Janus

JOSEPHINE QUINN (2024). HOW THE WORLD MADE THE WEST: A 4,000-YEAR HISTORY. BLOOMSBURY PUBLISHING. ISBN (HB): 978-1-5266-0518-4.

2024-11-27T16:36:09+00:00

In her book How the World Made the West: A 4,000-Year History, Josephine Quinn examines 4,000 years of the history of the Euro-Afro-Asiatic region, beginning in the Levant in the 20th century BC and ending with Christopher Columbus's arrival in the Americas in the 15th century AD. Professor of Ancient History at Oxford University, Quinn is a renowned historian who has written other award-winning works such as In Search of the Phoenicians (2017).

ONE YEAR AFTER 7 OCTOBER, THE MIDDLE EAST IN THE ABYSS

2024-11-27T15:51:17+00:00

Twelve months after Hamas killed 1200 citizens in Israel and kidnapped 240 others,
Israel's offensive in Gaza continues with nearly 42,000 fatalities (not counting those
buried in the rubble). In the name of the right to self-defence, Israel has systematically
violated international humanitarian law by subjecting 2.3 million Palestinians to harsh
attacks, continuous displacement, destruction of all social and economic infrastructure,
restricting access to humanitarian aid, food, water, medical care and medicines. High
numbers of humanitarian workers and journalists have also been victims by the Israeli
army.

THE ROLE ‘HAWALA’ IN FINANCING TERRORISM AND MONEY LAUNDERING: THE NEXUS BETWEEN INFORMAL MIGRANT REMITTANCES IN EUROPE AND FUNDING OF TERRORIST ORGANISATIONS

2024-11-27T15:58:50+00:00

This essay investigates the critical role of financial resources in the execution and persistence of terrorist activities. Emphasizing that terrorism cannot endure without funding, it draws on statements from prominent political figures and highlights the necessity of finances for organizational infrastructure, recruitment, propaganda, and execution of attacks. Following the increased scrutiny post-September 11, 2001, alternative value transfer systems like Hawala have become pivotal for terrorist financing due to their anonymity and lack of regulation. The essay examines how Hawala, a traditional money transfer system, is exploited by terrorist organizations to launder money and finance operations, particularly in Europe and among Somali diasporas. It further analyzes the mechanics of Hawala and its appeal due to secrecy and cost effectiveness. By focusing on specific examples, such as the Somali Al-Shabaab terrorist organization, the research underscores how diasporas and migrant minorities facilitate these financial flows. This investigation aims to fill gaps in understanding the intersection of Hawala and terrorism financing, proposing new mechanisms for prevention and regulatory improvements.

EMPOWERING POLICING: ADVANCING GENDER EQUALITY FOR ACHIEVING SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT GOALS

2024-11-27T16:05:34+00:00

United Nations' Sustainable Development Goal 5 emphasizes the eradication of violence, while Goal 16 underscores the need for robust and stable judicial institutions (Department of Economic and Social Affairs, United Nations, 2016). The effectiveness of a nation's police force in attaining these objectives is significantly influenced by its composition and culture. The inclusion of a diverse workforce, especially ensuring equitable female representation at all levels of the policing command structure, stands as a critical factor shaping the culture of a police force. Nonetheless, many law enforcement agencies persist as traditional, male-dominated hierarchical institutions (Rabe-Hemp, 2017). In India, only 10.5 percent of police officers are women (Chawla, 2022), a figure significantly lower than in countries like England and Wales, where women make up 36.8 (Clark, 2023) percent of the police force. Additionally, the upward mobility of women to top police positions has seen a decline.

THE IMPLICATIONS OF THE COVID-19 PANDEMIC ON INTERNALLY DISPLACED PERSONS IN THE NORTHEAST OF NIGERIA

2024-11-27T16:30:54+00:00

Nigeria has witnessed several COVID-19 variants since the onset of the pandemic in 2019. The first three cases of the latest variant called “Omicron” were confirmed on the 1st of December, 2021 from three passengers arriving from South Africa in Nigeria (PLAC, 2021). The COVID-19 pandemic at the onset started in China, Wuhan, in November 2019 and it spread to other countries in the world. Nigeria confirmed her first outbreak of the Pandemic on the 27th of February, 2020 when an Italian citizen in Lagos tested positive for the virus (UNDP, 2020; Tijjani and Ma, 2020).

SEGURANÇA ONTOLÓGICA, IDENTIDADE E MUDANÇA: UM ATIVO CONSTRUTIVISTA

2024-11-27T10:02:00+00:00

In the last decade of the last century, constructivism asserted itself as a theory of International Relations. The inability of the so-called mainstream theories to explain change, something that became particularly evident with the end of the Cold War, opened up space for a theory that conceives of reality as being socially constructed and that favours the understanding of political phenomena over their prediction. Using a qualitative methodological approach anchored in interpretivism, this article seeks to understand the relevance of the concepts of identity and ontological security in explaining change. After listing the foundational assumptions of constructivism as a theory of International Relations, such as the mutual constitution between agents and structures, the different currents are discussed, namely the conventional and the critical, thus emphasizing the pluralism of this theory. This pluralism is also evident in the different approaches to the dynamic between ontological security and identity, which is crucial to confirming the promise that constructivism brought at the end of the 20th century, i.e. explaining change. This dynamic reaffirms the understanding that the explanation of change represents an asset of constructivism as a theory of International Relations, and has contributed significantly to its affirmation.

DE-SECURITIZATION OF THE IMMIGRATION POLICY IN PORTUGAL: SEPARATION BETWEEN MIGRATION MANAGEMENT AND INTERNAL SECURITY

2024-11-27T10:23:54+00:00

The extinction of the Foreigners and Borders Service (Serviço de Estrangeiros e Fronteiras - SEF) on 29 October 2023 and the subsequent transfer of its responsibilities for managing immigration and asylum procedures to the newly established Agency for Integration, Migration, and Asylum (Agência para a Integração, Migrações e Asilo – AIMA), marked a significant shift in Portugal’s migration policy. This institutional reform represents the culmination of a process aimed at de-securitising the state’s approach to international migration by distinctly separating migration management from internal security considerations. From October 2023 onwards, the management of migratory flows is no longer a police function, with the documentation of immigrants being entrusted to a purely administrative agency. To comprehend the implications of this reform, it is essential to examine both the evolution of Portuguese immigration policy and the unique characteristics of SEF. The first section of this article explores the general evolution of immigration policy in Portugal, characterised by the country's transformation in the 1990s into a significant destination for diverse migratory flows. The second section provides an overview of the now defunct Immigration and Borders Service. Finally, the article discusses the rationale behind its dissolution and the replacement of its functions in immigration and asylum management by an administrative (non-police) agency that has also inherited the integration and anti discrimination responsibilities of the High Commission for Migration.

REVISITING THE SECULAR STAGNATION HYPOTHESIS IN THE LIGHT OF THE COMPLEXITY PARADIGM

2024-11-27T11:12:18+00:00

After the disruptions brought, also to the macroeconomic scenario, by phenomena such as the COVID-19 pandemic and the invasion of Ukraine, it is likely that the theme of secular stagnation of economic growth, taken up again in 2013 after Alvin Hansen's original contribution, will once again occupy a central place in geo-economic research and analysis, not least because of its empirical validation. The dominant paradigm, at least since the beginning of the 20th century, not only in the so-called exact sciences, but also in other areas of the social sciences such as economics, has been characterised by determinism, almost unlimited trust in linear models, their conclusions, and their near infallibility. The lack of precision of these models has been evident, particularly in what is supposed to be their great strength, that is, their predictive capacity. Events such as the financial crisis of 2007/2008, the European sovereign debt crisis, the significant increase in the contribution of emerging markets to the global wealth, have shown how these linear models are limited and, also for this reason, are likely to be viewed with some skepticism by decision-makers. Given this conceptual framework, we intend to revisit the secular stagnation thesis, in its fundamental theoretical foundations, but also in the empirical evidence with the most recent data and, in addition, to look at an alternative vision to the mainstream. This vision is embodied by complexity theory, with its conviction that phenomena don't necessarily behave in a linear model, so it's difficult to identify one that covers all the characteristics under study, imbalance is the usual characteristic of systems and, finally, disorder, not order, is typically the situation in systems. Seieing these approaches as a complement to, rather than a break with, the mainstream, we ultimately tried to remain faithful to the founding principles of science, starting with openness to change, to new working methods, to new paradigms.

ESTRATÉGIA EUROPEIA EM BUSCA DE UMA “CONSCIÊNCIA PLANETÁRIA”: UMA CIDADANIA ECOLÓGICA PARA ALÉM DA ARITMÉTICA VERDE?

2024-11-27T11:54:11+00:00

This article examines the European environmental strategy and, in particular, the nature of a
European ecological citizenship. It argues that the European environmental strategy, despite
its importance, is mainly based on a model of nature management, giving citizens a central
role in this management. The current legal-political framework does not demonstrate a new
paradigm of ‘planetary consciousness’ capable of guaranteeing real change. The argument is
structured in four parts: firstly, the concepts of the Anthropocene, Capitalocene and the Green
Arithmetic paradigm are examined, emphasising the framework of the European
environmental strategy and the role of the European citizen in it. It then looks at the efforts,
and underlying assumptions, to ‘save the planet’ at international and European level in search
of evidence of a ‘planetary consciousness’. The third part uses a particular reading of the
European legal-political framework, especially the European Green Deal, to critically analyse
the role of the citizen as the driving force behind this change. Finally, we summarise the main
conclusions and reflect on the EU's response to the climate challenge, in the light of the trends
identified and the urgency of finding a new paradigm suitable for a real change in thinking.
This article makes a theoretical contribution by interpreting the European strategy, and in
particular European ecological citizenship through the Green Arithmetic model, and neoliberal
management. It also makes an empirical contribution by highlighting how European
citizenship is understood under the terms of the European Green Deal.

THE ACCORDS BEFORE ABRAHAM’S

2024-11-27T13:08:17+00:00

By September 2020 the world was surprised with the White House's announcement regarding the normalization treaties between Israel and two Gulf Monarchies, Bahrain and the United Arab Emirates. It is imperative, nonetheless, to not consider the Abraham Accords as a normalization moment isolated from the framework of the relations between Israel and the Arab and Muslim states. It is important to remember the past peace treaties with Israel, namely the 1979 Peace Treaty with Egypt and the 1994 Peace Treaty with Jordan. Given that these agreements already existed, the innovation of the Abraham Accords in terms of international and regional relations is questionable. Therefore, the research question that will guide this paper is as follows: How is the 2020 Abraham Accords considered innovative as compared to the Peace Treaties celebrated between Israel and Egypt in 1979 and with Jordan in 1994? The main goal of this investigative work is to understand the differences between the Abraham Accords and the cited Peace Treaties at the sociohistorical level and the impact on International Relations according to the Theory of the Balance of Threat and the Theory of the Alliance, both by Stephen Walt. The main argument of this paper is that it is understood that the Abraham Accords are of a different nature from the 1979 Peace Treaty between Egypt and Israel and from the 1994 Peace Treaty between Israel and Jordan as the sociohistorical, geopolitical and geostrategic contexts were essentially distinct, as it is perceived by applying the Theory of the Balance of Threat and the Theory of the Alliance, both by Stephen Walt. Therefore, the impact on the regional and international relations of each treaty was distinctively different. To achieve these goals this study will follow this methodology: firstly, it is considered a positivist study. Also, since there will be a validation of the theoretical frameworks used, this study is deductive. It will agglomerate in itself two types of investigations, descriptive and explicative. It is mainly a comparative study, as the 1979 and 1994 Peace Treaties with Israel will be compared with the Abraham Accords. This study will also use the processual and diachronic historical method to analyze the before and after of both Peace Treaties and the Accords. All data will be submitted through discourse analysis. One of the main conclusions of this article is that both the 1979 and the 1994 Peace Treaties were celebrated after having lost the war against Israel, which brought on the need for peace with the Jewish state in order to recover financially. Therefore, these Peace Treaties were seen as an alliance, specifically, a positive balancing with Israel. On the other hand, the Abraham Accords did not happen in the context of war, as the United Arab Emirates and Bahrain never fought Israel, but in the context of perceiving a common threat, Iran. Consequently, they allied with Israel on a positive both hard and soft balancing alliance.

HUMAN SECURITY: A PRECONDITION FOR PEACE, DIGNITY AND DEVELOPMENT

2024-11-27T13:26:08+00:00

Whereas the traditional conception of security has been considered as state ability to protect territorial integrity and sovereignty from external military threats, the human security gives priority to individuals, their basic needs, sustainable development and human dignity. The concept of human security, broadly defined, is presented for the first time in the 1994 in the Human Development Report of the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) affirming that human security is ‘’freedom from fear and freedom from want”. Promoters of human security do rightly argue that intra-state conflicts, terrorism, organized crime, poverty, hunger, environmental degradation and disease, due to their wide-ranging impact, do kill far more people than wars. Moreover, such chronic threats are often related to each other and undermine the human well-being. The purpose of this research paper is to argue that traditional security which is focused on priority of state activities do remains relevant and indispensable for the wider concept of state security but it is not automatically associated with security of individuals, their human rights and welfare. Therefore, a balance pursuit of state centric security and people-centric approach to security is critical for each other mutual`s reinforcement and peaceful coexistence in the current international order.

ASIA-EUROPE ENGAGEMENTS IN SCIENCE, INNOVATION AND EDUCATION EXCHANGE: THE LIMITS OF KNOWLEDGE IN DIPLOMACY

2024-11-27T13:34:22+00:00

As an interpretative lens for understanding Asia-Europe knowledge exchange in higher education, science and innovation, this paper contests the ‘knowledge diplomacy’ framework. First, knowledge diplomacy is a ‘floating signifier’ that homogenises the distinct differences between science diplomacy, education diplomacy and innovation diplomacy. Second, the term depoliticizes diplomacy in its attempt subtract politics from knowledge relations in world affairs. Third, the KD framework is overly normative as it portrays positive and benign outcomes of exchange to the neglect of the conflict, competition, and confrontations that exist within and between Higher Education Institutions and scientific communities.

ADHERENCE TO THE PRINCIPLE OF INVIOLABILITY OF BORDERS AS A BASIS INTERNATIONAL LAW AND ORDER: IN THE CONTEXT OF THE RUSSIAN-UKRAINIAN ARMED CONFLICT

2024-11-27T13:43:41+00:00

The article is devoted to the theoretical and legal analysis of the principle of inviolability of borders as an important aspect of modern international relations, clarifying the role of this principle in ensuring the sustainability of international law and order, especially in the context of Russian aggression against Ukraine, as well as determining the main directions of activity of international organizations to support the Ukrainian people in their struggle for the liberation of their own territories captured by the Russian Federation. An analysis of the main stages of institutionalization of the principle of inviolability of borders has been carried out, the prerequisites for its formation and peculiarities of development in the system of modern international law have been determined, its international legal consolidation and normative content have been disclosed. It is stated that the inalienable and conscientious implementation of the principle of inviolability of borders by all subjects of international law is recognized as an objective necessity, since in the conditions of modern international relations, state borders play an essential role in determining the boundaries of sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence of each state. It is noted that since the proclamation of independence, the Ukrainian state has faced an unsettled problem of contractual and legal registration of state borders with numerous European countries and former Soviet republics, which also declared their independence. It is stated that the most difficult was the settlement of issues related to the definition and contractual and legal registration of borders with the Russian Federation, especially in the context of its destructive position in Crimean peninsula issues. Considerable attention is paid to the violation of the principle of inviolability of borders in the context of the armed conflict between Ukraine and the Russian Federation. It is proved that Russia’s gross violation of the principle of inviolability of borders has become one of the main security problems on the European continent. This was due to the aggressive actions of the Russian Federation, including the annexation of the Crimea, Luhansk, Donetsk, Kherson and Zaporizhzhya regions, as well as disregard for all the requirements arising from this principle. It is noted that such a violation of the principles of international law has caused a significant resonance in the world and has important consequences for security and stability in the region. The article analyzes the activities of international organizations (UN, Council of Europe, European Union, Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe) as a response to the violation by the Russian Federation of the principle of inviolability of borders by committing unprovoked armed aggression against Ukraine with subsequent annexation of Ukrainian territories. The normative legal documents adopted by these international organizations aimed at supporting the territorial integrity of Ukraine within its internationally recognized borders are considered in detail.

SPOILS OF THE PAST: MEMORY DIPLOMACY IN THE RUSSO UKRAINIAN CONFLICT

2024-11-27T13:55:40+00:00

In the context of the Russo-Ukrainian conflict, this article draws from the conceptual framework of memory diplomacy to explore how memory has been employed in Russian and Ukrainian diplomacy since 2022 and what international goals its use aims to achieve. Previous research has continuously shown how memory is instrumentalised in domestic politics, but its employment to achieve international goals has only recently become an object of study. Nevertheless, memory diplomacy offers a valuable addition for interpreting the diplomatic practices of both Ukraine and Russia when viewed through the constructivist framework of International Relations. This research is based on a content discourse analysis of speeches and official statements from both countries, with regard to interpretations of the past, since 2022. It concludes that conflicting memories are built and employed by both parties to serve their international goals.

ASYMMETRIC DEPENDENCE AND BARGAINING POWER IN SINO RUSSIAN ENERGY RELATIONS

2024-11-27T14:15:52+00:00

Considered from the realist perspective, strategic energy resources, which are among the elements of power, make cooperation possible for liberals. The concept of interdependence brings together two extreme theoretical approaches that locate strategic energy resources in different places. According to Keohane and Nye, the relations based on strategic energy resources should be considered within the scope of interdependence. In the context of the interdependence approach, Keohane and Nye explain this situation within the framework of sensitivity, vulnerability, and bargaining power. At this point, the concept of bargaining power is particularly important because the interdependence relationship based on energy has the potential to be manipulated at any time. Undoubtedly, the asymmetries between the parties are the basis of the manipulation. This also brings bargaining power to the fore. In the light of all these, the study analyses the effects of asymmetric interdependence in energy relations on bargaining power in the example of the Sino-Russian relations.

LOCAL GOVERNANCE REFORMS IN POST-SOVIET AZERBAIJAN: A COMPREHENSIVE ANALYSIS OF STRUCTURAL CHANGES AND REFORM INITIATIVES

2024-11-27T14:23:29+00:00

This study explores the evolving landscape of local governance in the Republic of Azerbaijan since gaining independence from the Soviet Union. This study underscores the geopolitical importance of the Caucasus and Central Asia, examining the transformation of administrative frameworks within the region, with a particular focus on Azerbaijan's distinct trajectory toward national sovereignty. The central aim of the research is to propose an effective model for local governance in Azerbaijan, distinct from Soviet-era approaches, and aligned with contemporary global standards. Through a comprehensive literature review, the study evaluates the existing local governance structure, implements reforms, and identifies areas requiring regulation and improvement. This study provides an in-depth analysis of local governance and reform challenges in Azerbaijan, focusing on the legal framework and practical implementation issues. The research delves into the constitutional provisions and practical aspects related to local governance, shedding light on the dynamics between municipalities and the central government. The examination covers the historical context, constitutional developments, and the impact of the Soviet legacy on Azerbaijan's local governance. Therefore, the study reveals discrepancies between the constitutional framework and the actual practices, hindering the effective functioning of local governance. The findings of this study not only contribute to the understanding of Azerbaijan's governance structure but also offer recommendations for enhancing the socio-economic progress of local administrations, emphasizing efficiency, accountability, transparency, and other crucial goals. The study adopts a broad historical perspective while focusing on recent developments in the field of local governance, ensuring a comprehensive analysis of the subject matter.

A CRISE NO NAGORNO-KARABAKH: UM JOGO GEOPOLÍTICO COMPLEXO

2024-11-27T14:33:50+00:00

The shift in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan in September 2023 has exposed the convergence of diverse strategic interests of both regional and extra must be understood within the context of a broader and more complex structure of alliances, involving great powers, such as the United States (U.S), Russia, Israel and the European Union (EU), as well as regional actors, including Türkiye and Iran. This article aims to shed light on the geopolitical shifts that led to Azerbaijan’s victory in September 2023. Throughout the article, it is demonstrated that the reversal compared to 1994 can be attributed to shifts in the external support for both sides. On one hand, Armenia lost its main security guarantor, namely Russia, prompting it to seek alternative support from the West and Iran. On the other, Azerbaijan consolidated essential backing from its key allies, Türkiye and Israel.

INDIA’S APPROACH TOWARDS ADJUDICATION BEFORE THE INTERNATIONAL COURT OF JUSTICE AND INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL COURT: IN SEARCH OF UNIFORMITY

2024-11-27T14:42:50+00:00

India’s status as a significant world power has strengthened in the last few decades as a member state to various international treaties and conventions. However, its practice of instrumentalisation and withdrawal through the reservations imposed to the compulsory jurisdiction of the International Court of Justice and the resistance to becoming a party to the Rome Statute to join the International Criminal Court has been the subject of discussion. In this paper, the authors discuss India’s approach to implementing the decisions arising from international disputes before the International Court of Justice by reflecting upon the history of its membership in the International Court of Justice and various bilateral and multilateral disputes to which India has been a party. Based on the specific cases, different arguments have been made to decipher the rationale behind the approach undertaken by India and the scholarly views on whether there is a need for change in its approach to establishing transparency about compliance with international law.

O QUE PORTUGAL PRETENDE NO SAHEL: SEGURANÇA OU NOTORIEDADE?

2024-11-27T15:06:08+00:00

Since 2012, transnational terrorism in the Sahel has led to an increase in refugee migration to North Africa and Europe, and the danger of radicalisation within these two areas has increased sharply. For the EU, this represents a great danger to regional stability that must be quickly suppressed, and, to this end, the European community has sought to intervene in the region in order to combat extremism and violence. Portugal, which has not been directly affected by this crisis, has been highly engaged in regional initiatives and has sought to ensure that NATO and the UN develop and maintain a plan for resolving the conflict in the Sahel in order to ensure peace in the region. However, without a defined strategic plan for the region and without any direct consequence of this same instability on national territory, the question arises as to what the Portuguese motivations are. In this sense, this research focuses on analysing the reasons for the Portuguese intervention in the Sahel, seeking to understand Portugal's concerns in the region for national, regional, and interregional security, and for its international positioning in order to better understand the motivations behind the acts.

GUINEA-BISSAU: AVOIDING THE REPUTATION OF BEING A FAILED STATE

2024-11-27T15:15:23+00:00

This paper poses and answers the following research question: How may Guinea-Bissau overcome its permanent governance instability and avoid becoming a “failed state”? This question is particularly important, not only in the context of circumventing being exposed to the economic interests of external actors, but also, to understand the state domestic weaknesses. Guinea-Bissau is a partially archipelagic small state, with an interesting portfolio of natural resources, investment opportunities, and business prospects. The country has suffered decades of institutional instability and social fragility, resulting being rated as “failed state”. Indeed, O’ Regan &Thompson (2013, p. 3) refer Guinea-Bissau as “(…) the first narco state in Africa”. There are a number of perspectives to categorize a state as failed-state, but we are focused on the institutional approach and in a possible lack of state authority. As such, we assume that “states fail because they do not possess the political, economic and social capabilities to survive as states” (Hill, 2005; Gros, 1996, p. 456; Jackson, 2000, p. 296; Rotberg, 2004, p. 2; Zartman,1995, p. 5). Once the ideological cradle of colonial self determination, Guinea-Bissau fought valiantly to gain independence (1963–1974), unilaterally proclaiming it on 24 September 1973 (Té, 2015, p. 30). Regrettably, after gaining recognition as a sovereign state, Guinea-Bissau has witnessed four effective coup d’états, 16 different attempts of coups d’état, one civil war, several parliamentary dissolutions, assassinations of politicians, interference of the militaries in executive functions and frequent change of political executives. Several reasons have contributed to this instability: (1) The interests of neighboring countries as well as an intense international influence; (2) The condition of being a post-colonial state, which is reflected in a number of factors such as poor literacy, health care and security (BTI, 2024); (3) The internal ethnic-religious clashes and the 1980 events, which lead qualified Cabo Verdean personnel to leave the country (Duarte Silva, 2006); (4) The meagre political control of the armed forces associated to a widespread corruption (BTI, 2024); (5) The short minded political culture within a semi-presidential system; (8) and the last but certainly not the least, the under-resourced and sloppy surveillance of borders (US Department of State, 2022, p. 5). All these factors jeopardized its economy, drained its resources, and exposed society to narco-trafficking. A struggle between the President Umaro Sissoco Embaló and the parliament regarding the amendment of the Constitution (among other issues), has further reignited political instability. Apart from the direct competition posed by Senegal, Guinea-Bissau has potential to become a reference economy in the region, and an entry door for the market of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and the West African Monetary and Economic Union (WAEMU). However, hardly this will ever happen, without political stability and an urgent need of reform of the defense and security sectors. A transformation not only in its structures but, above all, in mentalities, based on the role of the military in a representative democracy - a semi-presidential political system. This research does not adopt any explicit theory (Creswell & Creswell, 2018, p. 64). Instead, it employs a descriptive-inductive qualitative methodology based on selected themes to evaluate how Guinea-Bissau can avoid becoming a failed state. The critical discussion of these themes, has been supplemented with interviews with Guinea-Bissau’s opinion leaders and representatives of its diaspora, as well as former Portuguese colonial agents. The authors wish to acknowledge that, to mitigate the insufficiency of official and academic qualitative data, we conducted a number of interviews and we used triangulated media sources. The relevant interview transcripts, were freely translated into English language. Finally, this research excludes the last two years (2022-2024) of current political leadership, under the President Embaló. During this period of time President Embaló dissolved the parliament twice, scheduled legislative elections for November 2024 and at the time we write, the presidential election has not been called yet. Therefore, the authors consider important the completion of this sequence of facts, to analyze his political action.

ANALYZING THE CHANGING DYNAMICS OF PUBLIC OPINION IN NIGERIA'S DEMOCRATIC SOCIETY

2024-11-27T15:26:45+00:00

This study explores the evolving public opinion in Nigeria's democratic society, highlighting its significance in shaping policy decisions and democratic governance. Nigeria's transition to democracy, marked by the end of military rule in 1999 and the introduction of the Fourth Republic, provides a crucial context for understanding the country's democratic development. Public opinion plays a vital role in democratic governance, as it reflects citizens' preferences, values, and concerns. Ignoring public opinion can have severe consequences, as evident in the #EndSARS movement. This research examines the interplay between democratic governance and public opinion, considering factors like technology, public discourse, and socio-economic developments. Using a qualitative approach and secondary data sources, the study reveals significant changes in public opinion driven by societal, economic, and political shifts. To foster an informed and inclusive public opinion, the study recommends enhancing civic education, ensuring access to objective information, and promoting candid communication. By exploring the dynamics of public opinion in Nigeria's democratic society, this research contributes to a deeper understanding of democratic governance and its implications for policy-making.

THE MARITIME LIABILITY OF STATES

2024-11-27T15:35:44+00:00

This article covers the maritime liability of states, focusing on their roles and responsibilities as the flag state, the coastal state and the port state. It emphasises the need for closer cooperation between coastal and port states and the International Maritime Organization (I.M.O.) to address third-party competencies concerning the flag state. The text also elaborates on the obligations of flag states and agreements with recognised organisations (R.O.), including the mandatory need to comply with international standards for maritime safety, navigation safety, marine environment protection, and crew living and working conditions. It further highlights the crucial role of flag states in establishing and maintaining an effective control system over their ships to ensure compliance with all international standards and regulations. In conclusion, the research calls for strict enforcement of flag state obligations to ensure maritime safety, prevent pollution from ships and maintain proper shipboard living conditions.

MODELO DE TRANSFORMAÇÃO DO PODER AÉREO NACIONAL FACE AO PARADIGMA DA GUERRA AÉREA AUTÓNOMA

2024-11-27T15:42:50+00:00

The concept of Autonomous Air Warfare (AAW) is an emerging paradigm, characterized by the proliferation of Aerial Systems with Autonomous Functionalities (ASAF) with high levels of artificial intelligence, used in various disruptive operating concepts, with transformational potential of Air Power’s operational functions, changing the utility of this military instrument. The research aims to propose a model for the transformation of the national Air Power that maximizes the opportunities of this emerging paradigm, verifying its applicability in operational, structural, and genetic perspectives. The analysis reveals the potential for improvement of the operational product in various missions, substantiated by the expansion of persistent coverage of strategic interest areas. This is achieved through the complementarity of manned aircraft and ASAF, as well as in team operation concepts, serving as an extension of manned capabilities, and even through the collaborative use of swarms with high levels of autonomy. The model presented proposes a Vision and Strategy centered on three Transformation Vectors – Education, Innovation and Operations – leveraging the areas of greatest potential and added value of the Portuguese Air Force to increase knowledge; maximize skills, collaboration and cooperation; and expand the operational product.