https://janusnet-ojs.autonoma.pt/index.php/janus/issue/feedJanus2025-05-20T14:48:55+01:00Open Journal Systems<p><strong>JANUS.NET<em>, e-journal of International Relations</em></strong> is a scientific and peer-reviewed magazine published exclusively online, bilingual, with free access and free of charge, published by OBSERVARE – Observatório de Relações Exteriores (Observatory for External Relations), which is a research unit in International Relations of the Universidade Autónoma de Lisboa.</p> <p><a href="https://janusnet-ojs.autonoma.pt/index.php/janus/issue/archive">View All Issues ></a></p>https://janusnet-ojs.autonoma.pt/index.php/janus/article/view/172LIBERAL DEMOCRACY IMPASSE IN THE TIMES OF CRISIS2025-05-20T09:48:22+01:00RAHMAN DAGrahman.dag@gmail.comOZGUR TUFEKCİozgurtufekci@ktu.edu.tr<p>Liberalism is theoretically based on a liberal way of thinking with ideas of individual sovereignty, property rights, and free trade. The sovereignty of the individual in question has transformed into a politically democratic form of government and economically a capitalist economic system. With the globalisation of trade and democracy (human rights), areas of freedom have become limiting state sovereignty and political decision-making. Civil society originated from liberalism, such as social movements and non-governmental organisations that have reached the capacity to directly affect domestic and foreign policies by using the areas of individual freedom. In this case, the political will that came to power through elections is at an impasse between implementing the policies that some electorate voted for and those against them. This paper will examine the dilemma of liberal democracy based on individual sovereignty/civil society and state sovereignty through three cases happening in liberal democracies: the raiding of the Congress building by the protesters in the USA, the COVID-19 policies, and the immigrant issue. Relying on these cases, the paper will argue that liberal democracy leads itself to an impasse in practice.</p>2025-05-20T00:00:00+01:00Copyright (c) 2025 Janushttps://janusnet-ojs.autonoma.pt/index.php/janus/article/view/173CONFRONTING TRUMP’S POLICY TOWARDS IRAN WITH OBAMA’S: NEOCLASSICAL REALISM AND STRATEGIC CHANGE2025-05-20T10:00:05+01:00VÍTOR RAMON FERNANDESvrf@edu.ulusiada.pt<p>The article argues that President Trump’s policy change towards Iran—and the Middle East more broadly—during his first term was motivated by a shift in external structural conditions caused by his predecessor’s policy. More specifically, President Obama’s signature of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA)—commonly known as the ‘Iran nuclear agreement’—amid his Middle East policy led to a change in the external environment that was perceived by President Trump as an external threat from a domestic point of view. The change in the external environment led to a change in foreign policy with domestic-level factors intervening between the external driver and the strategic response. From an international relations theory perspective, the idea that great powers can induce shifts in the regional distribution of power that create threats at a systemic level and that individual states adjust their foreign policy behaviours to systemic outcomes is consistent with the neoclassical realist framework. The article also confronts Trump’s Middle East policy with Obama’s arguing that, apart from different styles, both presidents essentially adopted different tactics to pursue U.S. interests.</p>2025-05-20T00:00:00+01:00Copyright (c) 2025 Janushttps://janusnet-ojs.autonoma.pt/index.php/janus/article/view/174A SCIENCE DIPLOMACY SCALE FOR HIGHER EDUCATION: A VALIDITY AND RELIABILITY STUDY IN TÜRKIYE2025-05-20T10:06:38+01:00ŞUAY NİLHAN AÇİKALİNsuaynilhan@gmail.comŞEFİKA ŞULE ERÇETİNvrf@edu.ulusiada.ptZEYNEP OLGUNvrf@edu.ulusiada.pt<p>It is stated in the literature that scientific studies carried out by higher education institutions, which are among the leading institutions that produce knowledge and science, are effective in the development of science diplomacy practices. However, no research has been found in Türkiye on the level of this effect. In this context, there was gap in the literature develop a scale of science diplomacy in higher education in order to determine the extent to which scientific studies carried out by higher education institutions affect science diplomacy practices. The aim of the study was to develop a scale that can reveal the impact of scientific studies conducted by higher education institutions on science diplomacy practices according to the opinions of deans and vice deans. A total of 183 individuals participated in the exploratory factor analysis (EFA) study and 246 individuals participated in the confirmatory factor analysis (CFA) study using the simple random sampling method to create the study group for the research. EFA, CFA, and Cronbach alpha values were examined for validity and reliability analyses of the Science Diplomacy Scale in Higher Education. Four items were redundant items in the factor analysis, and they were removed from the scale based on expert opinion. The CFA results show that the goodness-of-fit indices of the model fall within the reference ranges stated in the literature and that the model fits well with the research data. The findings obtained, the scale is a valid and reliable measurement tool. As a result of the research, a four-dimensional and 25-item Science Diplomacy Scale in Higher Education was developed with 5-point Likert rating.</p>2025-05-20T00:00:00+01:00Copyright (c) 2025 Janushttps://janusnet-ojs.autonoma.pt/index.php/janus/article/view/175ANALYSIS OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS RESEARCH IN INDONESIA USING THE SCOPUS DATABASE2025-05-20T10:23:34+01:00M. SYAPRIN ZAHIDIsyaprin123@umm.ac.idMUHAMMAD FUAD BIN OTHMANmfuad@uum.edu.my<p>This article examines the progress of trends and orientations in international relations research in Indonesia using the Scopus database and a bibliometric methodology. This research is significant in that it supplements previous studies that aim to chart international relations research in Indonesia by examining the curriculum and expertise of each lecturer across various campuses. However, there has not been a comprehensive study that maps international relations research in Indonesia using Scopus data. Several points are analyzed, specifically: The information provided includes three main categories: (1) Annual outputs and Subject Areas, (2) Most Contributing authors, institutions, and nations, and (3) Influential Works. The author uses the Scopus database to gather publications on studies on international relations research in Indonesia. The data gathering was subsequently visualized using VOSviewer. The study reveals that between 2014 and 2023, there are a total of 390 documents in the Scopus database that specifically address research on international relations research in Indonesia. I. Gede Wahyu Wicaksana has the most documents, totaling 8. This study aims to examine and present data on international relations research conducted in Indonesia, enabling scholars to identify innovative aspects of international relations research. The field of international relations research in Indonesia is categorized into eight distinct clusters, each with a prominent theme or research focus. These clusters encompass international trade, China, international relations, Indonesia, the Cold War, ASEAN, Covid-19, and Japan. Overall, this article contributes to mapping new research potentials in international relations research in Indonesia that have not been explored in more depth by international relations scholars in Indonesia.</p>2025-05-20T00:00:00+01:00Copyright (c) 2025 Janushttps://janusnet-ojs.autonoma.pt/index.php/janus/article/view/176STRUCTURAL BREAKS IN THE MARKETS: OIL'S EXAMPLE2025-05-20T10:34:43+01:00LUÍS AGOSTINHOa61277@ualg.ptCRISTINA VIEGAScolivei@ualg.ptHENRIQUE MORAIShnmorais@gmail.com<p>The importance of fossil fuels in the world's energy supply and the relationship between their fluctuations and geoeconomic and geopolitical phenomena make it important to analyze the major forces behind the often-unexpected behavior of oil prices. The aim of this paper is to study socio-economic events that are contemporaneous with structural changes in the price of oil, and which may indicate a causal relationship with them. This study uses the Bai & Perron methodology to detect structural breaks. The sample consists of observations of the closing prices of oil futures contracts traded in the US, West Texas Intermediate, corresponding to various maturities. We have identified three key points in the formation of oil prices. Firstly, we note the significant impact of macroeconomic factors, especially those more closely related to demand, as the main drivers of structural changes in the oil markets. The influence of OPEC in determining prices is also noted, highlighting its prominent role in the global oil landscape, although with less impact on the structural changes identified. Finally, the research suggests that, in a broader context, geopolitical events tend not to trigger significant structural changes in the oil market.</p>2025-05-20T00:00:00+01:00Copyright (c) 2025 Janushttps://janusnet-ojs.autonoma.pt/index.php/janus/article/view/177ORGANIZAÇÕES TERRORISTAS JIHADISTAS & AGÊNCIAS ESTATAIS. RELAÇÃO SIMBIÓTICA E EFEITO MIMÉTICO DE TÁCTICAS, TÉCNICAS E PROCEDIMENTOS (TTP)2025-05-20T11:17:12+01:00HERMÍNIO MATOSmatoshj@gmail.com<p>We intend to carry out a critical reflection on the planning processes – strategic, operational and tactical – in jihadist terrorist organizations, using as a reference the “catalog” of tactics, techniques and procedures (TTP) of state agencies – security and intelligence services –, namely regarding the framework of intelligence and counter-intelligence activities, and their role, both in planning, preparation and execution of terrorist attacks, and the terrorist decision-making process. This type of organisations shows great learning and innovation capabilities – both operational and tactical –, mimicking techniques and procedures of state agencies, and learning from them, making it more difficult to identify, locate and track both their members and their operations.</p>2025-05-20T00:00:00+01:00Copyright (c) 2025 Janushttps://janusnet-ojs.autonoma.pt/index.php/janus/article/view/178A STATE SURROUNDED BY ENEMIES: THE HISTORY OF THE FORMATION OF ISRAEL’S GLOBAL SECURITY SYSTEM2025-05-20T11:26:32+01:00IAROSLAV SHYNKARUKiaroslavshynkaruk@ukr.netYULIIA KERNIAKEVYCH-TANASIICHUKkerniakevych-tanasiichuk@outlook.comIRYNA PRYPKHANiryna_prypkhan@protonmail.comSERGII ADAMOVYCHsergii.adamovych@hotmail.comTETIANA BLAZHENKOtetianablazhenko@proton.me<p>The relevance of the research lies in Israel's long-standing conflict with hostile neighbours and the need for a robust global security system to ensure its stability and security. The aim of the study is to examine the development of Israel's global security system, exploring the current security challenges faced by the country, the strategies employed to counter potential threats, and the effectiveness of its security approach. The leading research methods are the historical and logical analysis, periodization, induction, deduction, comparison, and systematisation of approaches, which will help determine the history of the formation of Israel’s security and its military-industrial complex. The study presents various approaches to the study and interpretation of the process of formation of Israel’s global security system; analyses the works of historians, political scientists, and researchers dealing with the security of this country; describes the threat from neighbouring Arab countries and regional terrorist groups; focuses on various conflicts in which Israel was involved; suggests various methods and ways to avoid threats from Arab countries; describes current challenges to Israel’s security; diagnoses parts of the systemic problems of Israeli security. The study’s materials are of practical and theoretical value for historians, political scientists, politicians, and diplomats, which will help them create optimal conditions for the development of their own country’s security system. In addition, the information may be relevant for scholars and scientists who are interested in considering the historical significance of Israel as a country that independently defends its interests and is an important factor in the system of international politics.</p>2025-05-20T00:00:00+01:00Copyright (c) 2025 Janushttps://janusnet-ojs.autonoma.pt/index.php/janus/article/view/179IROCRACIA EN LA GUERRA ENTRE RUSIA Y UCRANIA ANGERCRACY IN THE RUSSIA-UKRAINE WAR2025-05-20T11:34:34+01:00CÉSAR NIÑOcnino@unisalle.edu.co<p>The most recent studies in International Relations have given an epistemological turn where non-traditional aspects are included to explain international politics. The involvement of emotions allows us to broaden the instruments of analysis and tools for understanding the behavior of international actors. Based on the hybridization of anger as a negative emotion with the autocratic political regime, this article proposes the concept of angercracy as a characteristic in the ways of governing and interacting of authoritarian leaders. The proposal focuses on the case study of Russia's 2022 invasion of Ukraine. Are Russia and Ukraine angry states? This research proves that anger is a useful framework within International Relations to interpret hostile actions between Moscow and Kiev. Through the review of specialized literature, primary and secondary sources were used to suggest that, while Vladimir Putin is an angercrat by governing from anger, Volodymyr Zelensky governs with anger after aggression. To assert the above, anger is understood as a negative emotion, subjectively experienced as a state of antagonism toward something that is perceived as the source of an adverse event. The perception of threat or violation of existential identity activates anger as a response and defense mechanism, which eventually translates into aggression against the other. Thus, Russia and Ukraine are angry states. Finally, this analysis intends to offer some ideas that may serve to continue the analysis of International Relations from the point of view of emotions, particularly from the point of view of anger.</p>2025-05-20T00:00:00+01:00Copyright (c) 2025 Janushttps://janusnet-ojs.autonoma.pt/index.php/janus/article/view/180ANALYSIS OF NEW APPROACHES TO CRIMINAL LIABILITY FOR EVADING MILITARY CONSCRIPTION IN UKRAINE IN THE CONTEXT OF GLOBAL SECURITY CHALLENGES2025-05-20T12:56:24+01:00RUSLAN S. ORLOVSKYIruslan.orlovskyi@edu.cn.uaVASYL M. KOZAKkozakvasy193@ukr.net<p>Since the start of the full-scale invasion, Ukraine has been actively transforming its social system, renewing its political leadership in various areas, and improving its legislation to reflect the current situation. However, due to active mobilisation processes carried out by the authorities and the internal convictions of many persons liable for military service, the problem of avoiding military service arises. This includes crossing the state border both legally and illegally. Additionally, it is important to analyse how these changes are reflected in the international arena, including the migration of conscripts and their attempts to evade service abroad, as well as the reaction of EU countries. Given these aspects, it is crucial to assess how changes in Ukrainian legislation and mobilisation practices affect global security challenges, including the allocation of military resources, defence strategies, and international defence cooperation. The study employs systematic analysis and synthesis, formal legal and dialectical methods, and legal document analysis as scientific knowledge tools. Furthermore, this research explores Ukraine's approach to mobilization within the framework of international human rights standards, particularly the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR), international extradition treaties, and relevant case law from the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR).</p>2025-05-20T00:00:00+01:00Copyright (c) 2025 Janushttps://janusnet-ojs.autonoma.pt/index.php/janus/article/view/181THE BORDERS OF ASIA: THE LIMITATIONS OF THE WESTPHALIAN MODEL2025-05-20T13:02:10+01:00RAÚL RAMÍREZ RUIZraul.ramirez@urjc.es<p>European expansion throughout the world brought with it the spread of its model of the sovereign state, born in the Peace of Westphalia (1648), through which the international community relates to each other. In Asia, however, this model has shown less capacity for adaptation since it was applied to a continent that had its own system of relations, the so-called “tributary system.” This, combined with the lack of legitimacy of some borders drawn by imperialism and the rise of the great Asian powers, has turned enormous territories, sometimes recognized as sovereign (for example, the two Koreas or Sri Lanka), into mere frontiers or transition areas between neighboring great powers. This article explains the causes of this situation and the particular circumstances of those territories that have become “Asia's frontiers”.</p>2025-05-20T00:00:00+01:00Copyright (c) 2025 Janushttps://janusnet-ojs.autonoma.pt/index.php/janus/article/view/182GEOPOLITICS OF SOUTH ASIA: HISTORICAL ANALYSIS AND CONTEMPORARY DEBATE2025-05-20T13:06:45+01:00HARI PRAKASH CHANDhari.757738@dird.tu.edu.np<p>South Asian geopolitics has experienced a new development. In light of the 21st century being known as the Asian century, geopolitical dynamics has become a pressing issue. Since the presence of the key global actors in South Asia has been rising, analyzing the new trends in the region's geopolitics is becoming more important. An essential question for the study of South Asian geopolitics is how many dimensions of interactions between China and Pakistan, India and Russia, and the United States and China have an impact on the region's geopolitics. It is crucial to examine from a variety of perspectives how the complex interactions between these super and global powers have complicated South Asian geopolitics. Additionally, it is crucial to investigate the geopolitical trends in South Asia and the problems that have affected them. These difficulties are essentially the core issues of this paper. The theoretical aspects of geopolitics for the study of South Asian geopolitics are assessed in the paper. The development and the pragmatic advancement of its geopolitics have also been extensively examined. To examine the current pragmatic geopolitics of the South Asian region, the paper has also discussed the Indo-Pacific Strategy, the China-Russia Security Dialogue Platform (CRSDP), and the Global Security Initiatives (GSI) of China. This paper has also evaluated the potential effects of the US State Partnership Program (SPP) on Nepal's geopolitics and the geopolitics of the Himalayas in South Asia. It has adapted the qualitative method using descriptive and critical analytical approach. The paper concludes that the South Asian nations should work together to resolve the multilateral regional concerns with external actors without compromising any state's national interests to make geopolitics in the region conducive to peace, harmony, development, cooperation, and prosperity. They have to resolve their difficulties in accordance with their respective diplomatic traditions and foreign policy tenets when it is impossible to reach a consensus. Because each state has distinct political, economic, and social dynamics, any country should avoid interfering with how other nations perceive South Asian geopolitics because doing so could lead to crisis and additional unrest in the region's geopolitics.</p>2025-05-20T00:00:00+01:00Copyright (c) 2025 Janushttps://janusnet-ojs.autonoma.pt/index.php/janus/article/view/183THE GEO-POLITICAL SCENARIOS OF INTERACTIONS BETWEEN THE SOUTH ASIAN ISLAND COUNTRIES AND THE US, CHINA AND INDIA. CURRENT TRENDS AND FUTURE TRAJECTORIES2025-05-20T13:12:38+01:00MOHAMMAD SHAKIL BHUIYANshakil027-pss@sust.eduWANG YIwangyi999@sxu.edu.cn<p>This desk study is intended to explore the current trends in the relationships between Sri Lanka and Maldives with the USA, China, and India to illuminate regional geopolitical calculus. Besides, the study also attempts to project the future scenarios of interactions among these nations based on the dynamics and policies of their contemporary relations. Sri Lanka and Maldives, two island nations in South Asia, hold a significant strategic position along the maritime sea lanes of the Indian Ocean. However, China's significant economic engagement with these two island countries, primarily through the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), and their deepening relations with China in recent years have brought them under intense scrutiny from regional power India and extra-regional player USA. India and the US's shared perception of the alleged 'China threat' to their respective dominance prompts them, to some extent, to unite to 'counter China' in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR). Conversely, China emphasizes economic partnerships over military alliances or political meddling, unlike India and the US. The counter-measures adopted by the US and India against Beijing's growing inroads in smaller nations like Sri Lanka and the Maldives have imposed fresh constraints and complexities on the foreign policy manoeuvres of these smaller states. The study finds that the evolving geopolitical factors increasingly impact domestic politics and international alignment orientations in Sri Lanka and the Maldives. The future interactions and foreign policy choices of Colombo and Malé towards Washington, Beijing, and Delhi will be shaped by the complex interplay of three factors: political leanings of the ruling party, pressing economic needs, and the competition intensity between China and India, and the US and China over the IOR.</p>2025-05-20T00:00:00+01:00Copyright (c) 2025 Janushttps://janusnet-ojs.autonoma.pt/index.php/janus/article/view/184NAVIGATING CHINA’S GLOBAL FOREIGN SECURITY STRATEGY: ASSESSING THE ACHIEVEMENTS AND CHALLENGES OF THE BELT AND ROAD INITIATIVE AFTER A DECADE OF IMPLEMENTATION2025-05-20T13:18:29+01:00VU THI PHUONG LElevtp@vinhuni.edu.vnLE HOANG KIETkietlh.tg@yersin.edu.vnTRAN XUAN HIEPtxhiep@ued.udn.vn<p>The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) serves as a central component of China’s foreign security strategy under Xi Jinping, aimed at achieving the “two centenary goals” and realizing the “Chinese Dream”. This study utilizes a document analysis approach to assess the objectives, positive outcomes, and challenges that the BRI has encountered in the strategic repositioning of China’s foreign security after a decade of global implementation (2013-2023). The research focuses on three main aspects: (i) Analyzing China’s foreign security strategic objectives through the BRI, including positioning China as a friendly major power, promoting economic development, safeguarding strategic maritime routes, and shaping a geopolitical landscape favorable to China’s interests; (ii) Evaluating the positive outcomes achieved, such as enhancing influence through “policy connectivity”, expanding soft power, establishing financial institutions, boosting overseas infrastructure investments, and fostering economic and financial linkages; and (iii) Identifying the major challenges BRI faces, including strategic competition from other major powers, concerns from participating countries about “debt-trap diplomacy”, risks to Chinese enterprises investing abroad, and potential failure due to external shocks such as the COVID-19 pandemic and the Russia-Ukraine conflict. Based on this analysis, the study concludes that overcoming these challenges will be crucial for China to achieve its strategic objectives in foreign security through the BRI.</p>2025-05-20T00:00:00+01:00Copyright (c) 2025 Janushttps://janusnet-ojs.autonoma.pt/index.php/janus/article/view/185A SEMIOTIC DECODING OF POLITICAL DISCOURSE BETWEEN CHINA AND PORTUGUESE-SPEAKING COUNTRIES2025-05-20T13:28:57+01:00KAIYAO PENGa22091100212@cityu.edu.moFRANCISCO JOSÉ LEANDROfleandro@um.edu.moCATIA MIRIAM COSTAcatia.miriam.costa@iscte-iul.pt<p>This paper is the first in a series that examines how China engages in high-level political discourse (HLPD) via political speeches, bilateral and multilateral agreements, official documents, and media reports, with Portuguese-speaking countries (PSCs). Political discourse serves as a tool through which states convey policies, diplomacy, ideologies, and national image. For China, under the leadership of President Xi Jinping, there has been an explicit focus on building a robust discourse system to enhance its international communications and project itself as a peaceful, positive global power. In recent years, China has steadily increased its high-level exchange activities with PSCs, prompting this series of studies. The current paper focuses specifically on Portugal. Using official government sources, including websites of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, this study collected 32 textual samples of HLPD from high-level political communication events (HLPCEs) that took place between March 2013 and October 2022, during President Xi’s first two terms in office. These events involved Xi Jinping, former Head of Government Li Keqiang, and Minister of Foreign Affairs Wang Yi. The innovative aspect of this study lies in its use of semiotic analysis to decode the HLPD samples. This analysis concludes that China places significant emphasis on sustainable cooperation, particularly in trade and technology, while fostering people-to-people exchanges and human bonds.</p>2025-05-20T00:00:00+01:00Copyright (c) 2025 Janushttps://janusnet-ojs.autonoma.pt/index.php/janus/article/view/186A COOPERAÇÃO TÉCNICO-POLICIAL COM OS PAÍSES AFRICANOS LUSÓFONOS2025-05-20T13:37:30+01:00PEDRO MIGUEL DA SILVA PEREIRApedropereira27@sapo.pt<p>Technical-Police Cooperation (TPC) between Portugal and the Portuguese speaking African Countries (PALOP) aims to strengthen institutional capacity and promote public security through the training of senior staff. Since 1988, the Public Security Police (PSP), through the Higher Institute of Police Sciences and Internal Security (ISCPSI), has played a key role in this process, in which the Portuguese language stands out as a key element in cooperation, facilitating the transfer of knowledge and the adoption of good practices. CTP has been formalized through bilateral agreements with Angola, Mozambique, Cape Verde, Guinea-Bissau and São Tomé and Príncipe, resulting in the training of more than 250 police officers from the PALOP countries. The experience acquired at ISCPSI has an impact on governance and policing strategies in Portuguese speaking African countries, consolidating Portugal as a relevant player in international security, contributing to the strengthening of democratic institutions and the modernization of African police forces. This cooperation unequivocally strengthens Portugal's strategic influence in the Portuguese speaking world and promotes stability and institutional development in the PALOP countries.</p>2025-05-20T00:00:00+01:00Copyright (c) 2025 Janushttps://janusnet-ojs.autonoma.pt/index.php/janus/article/view/187PARADIPLOMACY OF THE GLOBAL SOUTH: SURABAYA’S APPROACH TO GLOBAL SUSTAINABILITY CHALLENGES (2016-2020)2025-05-20T13:42:02+01:00ARIO BIMO UTOMOariobimo.hi@upnjatim.ac.id<p>This paper examines the role of paradiplomacy in Surabaya's approach to addressing global sustainability challenges from 2016 to 2020. As a key city in Indonesia, a Global South country, Surabaya illustrates how local governments can leverage international partnerships to address pressing urban and environmental issues. The study highlights how Surabaya's strategic collaborations with cities such as Kitakyushu and Liverpool align with the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), particularly focusing on environmental sustainability and urban development. Despite facing significant socio-economic inequalities and institutional constraints due to Indonesia’s decentralisation laws, Surabaya has utilised paradiplomacy to integrate global standards into local policies effectively. The city’s partnerships have facilitated knowledge exchange and resource mobilisation, aiding in tackling issues like waste management and infrastructure development. This approach demonstrates a shift from traditional state-centric diplomacy to a more nuanced, subnational engagement that empowers cities in the Global South. Through Surabaya’s experiences, the paper provides valuable insights into how other cities with similar challenges can adopt paradiplomatic strategies to enhance their sustainability efforts and contribute to global discussions on sustainable urban development.</p>2025-05-20T00:00:00+01:00Copyright (c) 2025 Janushttps://janusnet-ojs.autonoma.pt/index.php/janus/article/view/188THE ROLE OF MEDIA IN THE SECURITIZATION OF THE ROHINGYA REFUGEE ISSUE IN ACEH, 2023: A COMPREHENSIVE ANALYSIS2025-05-20T13:49:52+01:00ELPENI FITRAHelpeni.fitrah@unsoed.ac.idARNENDYA PUTRI FADZRIAarnendya.fadzria@mhs.unsoed.ac.idMUHAMMAD YAMINmuhammad.yamin@unsoed.ac.id<p>The media coverage of the intricate humanitarian catastrophe stemming from the influx of Rohingya refugees in Aceh, Indonesia, in 2023 significantly influences public perception and governmental decision-making. This situation is intricately linked to security concerns. This study conducts a comprehensive analysis of the media's portrayal of the Rohingya refugee situation in Aceh as a national security issue, with a specific emphasis on the arrivals in 2023. The research employed a qualitative methodology encompassing discourse analysis, case studies, and document analysis to investigate the evolution of media frameworks and their impact on public opinion and governmental actions. The findings illustrate the interaction of conflicting narratives—frames emphasizing security risks, cultural differences, and humanitarian issues. This case study analyzes the media's representation of the initial humanitarian emphasis and its subsequent shift towards securitization. Research indicates that media coverage significantly impacts public opinion, perceptions of refugees, and the mechanisms of securitization that rationalize stronger security measures and impede social integration efforts. This study underscores the difficulties of managing conflicting narratives, combating disinformation, and improving media literacy. The findings underscore the necessity of many perspectives, media literacy, and ethical journalism to mitigate the adverse impacts of securitization and promote a more inclusive, rights-oriented framework for refugee protection. These findings contribute to overarching dialogues regarding media framing, securitization, and the protection of refugees.</p>2025-05-20T00:00:00+01:00Copyright (c) 2025 Janushttps://janusnet-ojs.autonoma.pt/index.php/janus/article/view/189BRIDGING WORLDS: SAHRAWI WOMEN’S FIGHT AGAINST COLONIALISM AND PATRIARCHY IN THE REFUGEE CAMPS AND THE SPANISH DIASPORA2025-05-20T13:55:35+01:00CAROLINA ANJOScaffs2@iscte-iul.pt<p>This article seeks to understand the diverse roles of Sahrawi women in the refugee camps, in Algeria, and in the Spanish diaspora, relating to women’s resistance efforts against Colonialism and Patriarchy. Drawing from academic literature and primary sources, this article discusses the historical role of women in the Sahrawi society, both in the survival of the people and within the resistance movement. A debate emerges between the perspectives of the Sahrawi women in the camps and those in the Spanish diaspora, which roughly present different standpoints on women’s emancipation and rights. Through a Decolonial Feminism framework, I examine the differences between the day-to-day lives of the women in the camps, who must focus on survival, education, and health, and those in Spain, who present a distinct lens of issues from their outside perspective. Overall, the article advocates for the recognition and amplification of Sahrawi women’s voices, emphasising their crucial role in the pursuit of liberation from both Colonial and Patriarchal oppression. Lastly, it calls for a greater focus on the occupation of Western Sahara and the liberation of the Sahrawi people.</p>2025-05-20T00:00:00+01:00Copyright (c) 2025 Janushttps://janusnet-ojs.autonoma.pt/index.php/janus/article/view/190THE IMPACTS OF PAST TOTALITARIANISM ON THE TRANSITION PROCESS TOWARDS DEMOCRACY IN ALBANIA2025-05-20T14:04:31+01:00MATILDA PAJOmatilda.pajo@universitetiaab.comDONIK SALLOVAdonik.sallova@universitetiaab.com<p>More than 30 years have passed since the creation of one of the wildest totalitarianisms of Eastern Europe, the Albanian one. The Albanian totalitarian regime maintained constant control for almost 50 years in every social activity through terror and propaganda. Today, after a long and not easy transition, the country is still trying to find its way to full democratization. The lack of a functional democracy, the classification as a hybrid regime, as a partially free country and with a lack of active citizens as an institution of democracy are just some of the problems that are present in post-communist Albania and that will be discussed in this paper. The purpose of this paper is to offer a different perspective in the way we look Albania's path towards full democratization based on the influence of the totalitarian regime and the need to strengthen the concept of the active citizen and forms of active volunteering as a way to strengthen democracy, starting from a broader concept, from the citizen. The article provides a theoretical and practical perspective of totalitarian and post-communist period of Albania based on reports, statistical data and classic political studies scholar books.</p>2025-05-20T00:00:00+01:00Copyright (c) 2025 Janushttps://janusnet-ojs.autonoma.pt/index.php/janus/article/view/191O USO DA ÁRVORE DE SUCESSOS COMO MÉTODO PROSPETIVO EM GEOPOLÍTICA. O CASO DOS AÇORES NO TRANSPORTE DE GNL2025-05-20T14:08:33+01:00RUI JORGE BOTELHO FÉLIXrui.jb.felix@gmail.com<p>The determination of what is referred to as Potential Geopolitical Power (PGP) of a geographical region, through the Success Tree Method, constitutes the theme of this study. It is demonstrated that, by analysing a set of natural, technological, political, and economic events, as well as establishing logical relationships between them using Boolean operators, it is possible to determine both qualitatively and quantitatively the relative power of a region in a given scenario. This study includes a case study that, through the application of the method, demonstrates its feasibility.</p>2025-05-20T00:00:00+01:00Copyright (c) 2025 Janushttps://janusnet-ojs.autonoma.pt/index.php/janus/article/view/192THE ENVIRONMENT AND THE ECONOMY OF CO-OPERATION IN THE TRIPLE AMAZON FRONTIER. THE CASE OF THE TIKUNA PEOPLE IN BRAZIL, COLOMBIA AND PERU2025-05-20T14:18:10+01:00JACKSON BENTESJackson.bentes@lasalle.org.brBRÍGIDA BRITObbrito@autonoma.pt<p>The article summarises an ongoing study of indigenous tribes in Amazonia and how they overcome challenges that include environmental preservation and community sustainability. The problem formulated aims to understand the socio-environmental and cultural impacts emerging from the Tikunas' so-called “economy of cooperation” and global economic flows on the Brazil-Colombia-Peru border. It looks at how this relationship generates conflicts and adaptations, but also reconfigures territories in the midst of forest preservation. The aim is to analyse the interception between the ‘economy of cooperation’ and economic exploitation that takes place on the triple frontier of the Amazonia (Brazil-Colombia-Peru). This reconfigures socio-environmental and cultural dynamics, determining the mechanisms of adaptation, resistance and conflict in the face of international pressures that affect territorial governance. The research, which is exploratory in nature, follows a multidisciplinary approach that combines perspectives from international relations, ecology and economics, valuing an indigenous epistemology. A bibliographical research and field study were carried out using the qualitative method. In order to analyse the interaction between environmental preservation, Tikuna lifestyles and local economic needs, techniques such as surveys and field studies were carried out. The initial results favour an understanding of the conflicts between economic expansion and management of the Amazon rainforest within the complexities inherent in the sustainable management of preservation lands, respecting indigenous cultures and regional economic challenges.</p>2025-05-20T00:00:00+01:00Copyright (c) 2025 Janushttps://janusnet-ojs.autonoma.pt/index.php/janus/article/view/193INTELIGÊNCIA ARTIFICIAL, UMA AMEAÇA À DEMOCRACIA2025-05-20T14:29:02+01:00PEDRO HENRIQUE DA SILVA HORTApedrohorta@yahoo.com<p>No presente texto, procurarei construir um percurso lógico, fundamentado quer nos avanços mais recentes da regulamentação, da evolução dos desenvolvimentos da Inteligência Artificial (AI), incluindo a questão da consciência, com vista a que, assim descobrindo ou antevendo, se possa concluir se tais caminhos irão ou não conflituar com a evidente constatação de Habermas, a democracia não existe sem ação comunicativa.</p>2025-05-20T00:00:00+01:00Copyright (c) 2025 Janushttps://janusnet-ojs.autonoma.pt/index.php/janus/article/view/194ADDRESSING RUSSIAN AGGRESSION AGAINST UKRAINE: THE IMPERATIVE FOR A SPECIAL TRIBUNAL UNDER INTERNATIONAL AND UKRAINIAN LEGAL FRAMEWORK2025-05-20T14:33:49+01:00AMIT UPADHYAYaupadhyay@jgu.edu.inABHINAV MEHROTRAamehrotra@jgu.edu.inANURADHA UPADHYAYanuradhaupadhyay28@yahoo.com<p>Historically, the principle of individual criminal responsibility was shaped under international law in the aftermath of the Second World War by the Nuremberg International Military Tribunal. For the municipal systems governed by the member states, the incentive to support the principle of international criminal responsibility was to end the impunity for the most severe crimes of common concern committed on the territories of the member states.</p>2025-05-20T00:00:00+01:00Copyright (c) 2025 Janushttps://janusnet-ojs.autonoma.pt/index.php/janus/article/view/195ANALYSING THE REPORTING OF THE MALDIVIAN, INDIAN AND CHINESE MEDIA OF THE INDIA OUT CAMPAIGN2025-05-20T14:40:53+01:00GAURAV PATHAKgaurav.pathak@jgu.edu.inPARKHI SAXENAparkhi.saxena1@jgu.edu.inBAGAVATHY VENNIMALAIbagavathy.vennimalai1@jgu.edu.in<p>The island nation of Maldives is embroiled into the great powers game in the Indian Ocean Region. Traditionally, it has enjoyed excellent ties with India, but the relations oscillate depending upon who is in power in Maldives. The newly elected President, Mohamed Muizzu has been known to strengthen the “India Out” campaign. The campaign aims to reassert Maldives sovereignty by ensuring there are no Indian troops on the island nation. This campaign is despite the fact that India has gifted several defence equipment, such as boats and helicopters, that are used for humanitarian and medical aid. China is the biggest beneficiary of the India Out campaign. The China-Maldives relations are rising with increasing trade and tourism. The reportage of an issue in a country’s press gives an overall sense of the importance of the issue, as well as the possible policy alignments. In cross border issues, media coverage also plays an influential role in shaping the discourse. Given this background, this review analyses the media coverage of the India Out campaign and its related aspects between 1 December 2023-31 March 2024. This review is from the media lens of three countries: Maldives, India, and China. The authors have analysed several mainstream newspapers and news portals, such as SunOnline, the Edition, the Indian Express, the Hindustan Times, Global Times, China Daily, South China Morning Post, etc.</p>2025-05-20T00:00:00+01:00Copyright (c) 2025 Janushttps://janusnet-ojs.autonoma.pt/index.php/janus/article/view/196TÜFEKÇI, ÖZGÜR & DAĞ, RAHMAN (ED) (2022). TRENDS AND TRANSFORMATIONS IN WORLD POLITICS. LANHAM: LEXINGTON BOOKS, ISBN: 97817936502382025-05-20T14:45:16+01:00FEVZI KIRBAŞOĞLUfkirbasoglu@ktu.edu.tr<p>The book Trends and Transformations in World Politics, edited by Özgür Tüfekçi, Associate Professor in the Department of International Relations at Karadeniz Technical University in Türkiye, and Rahman Dağ, Associate Professor in the Department of Economy Politics of the Middle East at Marmara University in Türkiye, examines the fundamental changes in the post-Cold War international system. The book discusses these transformations in the context of unilateralism, multilateralism and the new world order and analyses their impacts on states, international organizations and regional dynamics (pp. 1-4).</p>2025-05-20T00:00:00+01:00Copyright (c) 2025 Janushttps://janusnet-ojs.autonoma.pt/index.php/janus/article/view/197SHECAIRA, FÁBIO PERIN (2024). LEGAL SCHOLARSHIP AS A SOURCE OF LAW. SPRINGER. SECOND EDITION. HTTPS://DOI.ORG/10.1007/978-3-031-60369-3 978-1-5266-0518-42025-05-20T14:48:55+01:00SYED MUJTABA ATHARsyed.athar@symlaw.edu.in<p>The book presents a conceptual framework for analysing the application of precedent in civil law and common law systems. The suggested paradigm emphasises the differentiation between legal sources (e.g., precedents) and the legal norms that can be extracted from these sources through legal interpretation. Standard arguments from authority possess the subsequent structure: A asserts p; A possesses authority on such matters; hence, p is valid. Legal practitioners employ such arguments when they base their decisions only on the assertions of lawmakers, judges, professors, expert witnesses, and similar authorities. This paper examines arguments that invoke the authority of scholars, namely 'doctrinal' or 'dogmatic' legal scholars. The reliance on doctrinal authority is a perplexing aspect of legal reasoning. The tripartite distinction of 'source-interpretation-norm' (referred to in the title as the 'source-norm' distinction) elucidates the diverse methods by which historical instances can be cited, interpreted, and applied by the courts of various legal systems. The proposed framework aims to elucidate the function of precedent in legal systems with limited international discourse, while also re-examining the practices of legal systems where the doctrine of precedent is ostensibly well-established and comprehended.</p>2025-05-20T00:00:00+01:00Copyright (c) 2025 Janus