as ‘China threat’, as already referred. This one has emerged at first and is, for the majority
of its defenders, inevitable. Indeed, Kagan (2005: 1) uses history to state that:
“The history of rising powers, however, and their attempted "management" by
established powers provides little reason for confidence or comfort. Rarely have rising
powers risen without sparking a major war that reshaped the international system to
reflect new realities of power”.
Thus, according to this perspective, China is a conservative state that aims to a revisionist
reform in global governance and, consequently, has to be contained by current powers
of global order (Callahan, 2005). As China is a rising power, it is by definition dissatisfied
with United States’ hegemony according to real-politik argument (Johnston & Johnston,
2013). Besides that, revisionist powers in their more radical position normally reject the
primary institutions of international society, as they do not identify themselves with their
ideological bases (Buzan, 2010). Indeed, despite it aligns with some old institutions
especially in the UN agencies, China also belongs to recent economic and political
arrangements, especially regional ones such as the BRICS and the ASEAN (Stuenkel,
2020). In a rapidly changing international order, new arrangements especially involving
the Global South (developing countries in Africa, Asia, Latin America, and the Caribbean)
have arisen; China has actively sought to strengthen its ties with these countries through
various diplomatic, economic, and developmental initiatives and the so-called South-
south cooperation in an attempt to counter-balance the hegemony of the Global North
(Alden et al., 2005; Gray and Gills, 2016).
On the other hand, there is the reverse thought, the one which emphasizes China peaceful
rise. This involves an accommodation to the rules of international society and institutional
structures and a re-adaptation effort of established powers in order to adjust to new
disposition of power as well (Buzan, 2010). According to Gonzalez-Vicente (2015:96):
“In its attempt to present itself as a benign power, the Chinese state has elaborated a
discourse that separates diplomatic aspects from other interrelated dimensions, such as
economics, politics at scales other than the interstate system, society and culture”.
In addition, based on Chinese culture, there is a spirit of individual’s sacrifice for the
greater good of the group, which can lead to the famous parable used in games theory,
the Prisoner’s dilemma (Wang, 2016). As one evidence of Chinese effort to comply with
the norms of international arena, it has been increasing its responsible membership in
international organizations at regional and global levels, as a way of proving its intention
to rise peacefully and comply with the status quo order (Callahan, 2008). The compliance
with status quo order is one consequence of current Chinese priority to sustain the
economic development achieved so far, adopting a dual-circulation model in its 14th Five-
years Plan for sustainable development (Javed et al., 2023).
To achieve this economic sustainability, China needs stability in international relations,
both at the regional and at the global levels and this leads to a shift in policies from Mao
Zedong revolutionary character and antagonism regarding Western-dominated status
quo, to Deng Xiaoping’s policy of scientific development within the status quo order
(Buzan, 2010). By its turn, the objective of President Hu Jintao leadership (2003-2013)
of having a harmonious society and, by extension, a harmonious world is no more
sufficient to sustain the continuation of peaceful rise (Buzan, 2010).