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CONCEPT OF GOVERNANCE IN PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF CHINA:
PERCEPTIONS AND EVOLUTION
ANABELA SANTIAGO
anabela.santiago@ua.pt
PhD candidate in Public Policies at University of Aveiro (Portugal). She has a Master's Degree in
Chinese Studies from the same university. She is currently awarded with a doctoral grant
from Portuguese Foundation for Science and Technology, I.P. together with Macao
Scientific and Cultural Center, I.P. in Lisbon and member of GOVCOPP Governance,
Competitiveness and Public Policies Research Unit at University of Aveiro. Her research
topics are: global health governance, multilateralism, social medicine and health
diplomacy.
Abstract
The goal of this paper is to present a literature review about the concept of ‘Governance’
within the Chinese context. When it comes to Chinese governance, most of the studies are
centered in corporate governance. Despite it is a relevant topic, this is not part of this
literature review scope of analysis. Instead, this paper focuses on Chinese contemporary
political governance, both at internal and external levels, from 1978 until 2022. The research
gap this literature review seeks to answer is if Chinese governance is reshaping the current
global order or fitting into it. There is no academic consensus regarding this matter, neither
from the field of Chinese studies, nor from political sciences. Mainly two different tendencies
emerge from scientific community: (i) one advocating peaceful rise and China as a ‘status quo
power’; and (ii) the other one advocating ‘China threat’ as a reality. Factors that evidence
both of them are analyzed in this paper that reconfirm the ambiguity of China’s position
towards Chinese governance and its position in global order.
Keywords
Governance, global order, multilateralism, status quo power, revisionist.
Resumo
O objetivo deste artigo é apresentar uma revisão de literatura sobre o conceito de
‘Governança’ no contexto chinês. Quando se trata de governança chinesa, a maioria dos
estudos centra-se na governação corporativa. Apesar de ser um tema relevante, não faz parte
do âmbito de análise desta revisão de literatura. Em vez disso, este artigo centra-se na
governação política contemporânea chinesa, tanto a nível interno como externo, de 1978 a
2022. A lacuna de investigação que esta revisão da literatura procura responder é se a
governação chinesa está a remodelar a actual ordem global ou a enquadrar-se nela. Não
consenso acadêmico sobre este assunto, nem no campo dos estudos chineses, nem nas
ciências políticas. Principalmente duas tendências diferentes emergem da comunidade
científica: (i) uma que defende a ascensão pacífica e a China como uma “potência de status
quo”; e (ii) o outro que defende a “ameaça da China” como uma realidade. Os factores que
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Title Thematic dossier - Historical and Contemporary Perspectives on East Asia
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Concept of Governance in People's Republic of China: Perceptions and Evolution
Anabela Santiago
48
evidenciam ambos são analisados neste artigo, que reconfirmam a ambiguidade da posição
da China em relação à governação chinesa e a sua posição na ordem global.
Palavras-chave
Governança, ordem global, multilateralismo, poder do status quo, revisionista.
How to cite this article
Santiago, Anabela (2024). Concept of Governance in People's Republic of China: Perceptions and
Evolution. Janus.net, e-journal of international relations, Thematic dossier Historical and
Contemporary Perspectives on East Asia, VOL14, N2, TD1, pp. 48-59, consulted [online] on date
of the last view. https://doi.org/10.26619/1647-7251.DT24.3
Article received on May 29, 2023 and accepted on June 20, 2023
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e-ISSN: 1647-7251
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Title Thematic dossier - Historical and Contemporary Perspectives on East Asia
January 2024, pp. 47-58
Concept of Governance in People's Republic of China: Perceptions and Evolution
Anabela Santiago
49
CONCEPT OF GOVERNANCE IN PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF CHINA:
PERCEPTIONS AND EVOLUTION
ANABELA SANTIAGO
Introduction
Due to the fact that societies are dynamic and, as a consequence their arrangements and
needs change over time, politics and ways of governing must adapt over historic periods.
As most of societies in Western countries are already embracing neo-liberalism since a
long time, the term ‘government’ has slightly changed into ‘governance’, over the last
decades, as neo-liberalism ideologies started to reform the way governments behave.
As pointed out by Levi-Faur (2012: 27):
“The plurality of the modes of control reflect and reshape new ways of making politics,
new understanding of institutions of the state and beyond the state and allow us to explore
new ways for the control of risks, empowering citizens and promoting new and
experimentalist forms of democratic decision-making”.
Amongst several different definitions of ‘governance’ according to the sphere of scientific
area to which researchers belong, there is a common factor that is transversal to all of
them: the factor of change, mostly referred in literature as ‘shift’. The point is to
understand what kind of shift we are dealing with (Levi-Faur, 2012).
China has also shifted from ‘government’ to ‘governance’ itself. However, due mostly to
cultural aspects in interpretation of concepts, its position regarding inner and global
governance is not very clear. Although different perspectives will be outlined in the
findings section, from this literature review, it is possible to trace most common
tendencies in all analyzed papers: (i) the difficulty to understand China’s position and
goals in international society; (ii) its primacy for national interests over foreign policy;
(iii) its soft power and non-interference strategy; and finally, (iv) the different conceptions
of multilateralism and power.
Thus, this article is structured in the following way: this introduction is followed by the
methodology section, explaining the pathway for the procedures of this research, followed
then by the findings section, which is divided into main areas of analysis emerging from
the literature review (i) governance; (ii) new global order; hegemony vs.
multilateralism; (iii) status quo power vs. revisionist power associated to global
governance. Finally, the conclusions section emphasizes the key ideas on the overall
analyzed topic, which is the concept of ‘governance’ in China and its evolution from 1980’s
until current days, concurring for the reshaping or preserving of current international
order standards.
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Anabela Santiago
50
1. Methodology
This paper highlights the main characteristics of Chinese political governance and its role
in global order. The conclusions emerge from a literature review that was conducted
based on a primary search of articles in Scopus Elsevier scientific database. The choice
of Scopus as central database for this documents search is due to the fact that it is to be
one of the most relevant scientific database in social sciences domain, specifically in the
area of public policies, englobing the most well-reputed journals. Two combined set of
keywords were used in order to obtain the range of papers to be selected. In one hand,
searching for the expression “Chinese governance”, 81 articles were found. On the other
hand, searching for “People Republic of China”, plus “governance”, 359 results were
found. Some articles were the same in both combination of keywords used for the search,
so duplicated papers were removed and from the remaining universe of articles, a
selection was carried out according to some established criteria: the ones containing
“China” and “governance” in the keywords and the most cited ones (>90 citations).
So, following these criteria definition and after a first read of abstracts and keywords, 21
journal articles were selected according to their relevance for the theme of governance
and to the historic period under analysis (from 1978 to 2022), that is to say from the
Chinese reform of opening-up until current days. The research strategy englobing the
steps herein mentioned is illustrated in Figure 1.
Figure 1: Steps of research strategy
Source: own elaboration
The final 21 selected articles were read in depth and categorized according to their scope.
Some additional scientific literature was taken into account after the reading of the core
set of 21 articles, in order to better frame the context and analysis itself.
In the next section, the concepts will be assessed according to “Chinese specificities” and
their relations of causality and interdependence; they will be described to obtain an
overview of the role of governance in contemporary China.
2. Findings
As already indicated, the literature review was carried out according to the scope of the
analyzed articles, which were categorized in accordance with the main perspective
developed by the authors. Then, several approaches were found in the existing literature:
(i) the concept of governance itself in its core meaning; (ii) the concepts of ‘Chinese
threat’ and ‘peaceful rise; and (iii) governance associated with new global order. All of
these approaches are fully developed in sections below.
Definition of
the research
aim
Identification
of the
keywords
Search in the
selected
database
Assessment of
the relevant
material
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2.1 Concept of governance
There are many definitions of the term ‘governance’, however it is hard to find in literature
one that is completely precise and unambiguous due to the different perspectives from
which it can be described: political science, public policies, public administration,
international relations, economy and so on. In this paper, our assumptions will be based
in the assumption defended by Rhodes (1996: 652), which is that governance implies a
“change in the meaning of government, referring to a new process of governing; or a
changed condition of ordered rule or the new method by which society is governed”.
As per Jie Lu (2015:5), “governance is conventionally understood as the exercise of power
to structure, regulate, and coordinate the relationships among the populace in the
management of their public affairs. In addition, Michel Foucault, a French social theorist,
developed a similar concept ‘governmentality’ as “a means of understanding shifts in
relations between knowledge, power and subjectivity in the context of early modern
Western societies” (Sigley, 2006: 490).
According to the United Nations (2012), the principles of good governance are: (i)
participation; (ii) rule of law; (iii) transparency, responsiveness, equity, and
inclusiveness; (iv) orientation to consensus; (v) and finally, accountability. By its turn,
the Asian Development Bank has set out four basic elements of good governance in major
part similar to the previous ones: (i) accountability; (ii) predictability; (iii) participation;
(iv) and transparency (Lahtinen, 2010). The accumulated knowledge provided by years
of research in this topic leads us to also acknowledge that institutions have a critical role
to play in governance (Jie Lu, 2015).
Regarding the specificity of the concept applied to Chinese case, we can trace a brief
historical trajectory of its evolution from the birth of People’s Republic of China (1949)
until current days. Actually, Mao Zedong Chinese CCP leader from 1949 onwards
challenges the Western-dominated global governance, counterweighting with the core
guiding principles of Chinese foreign policy even until today the Five Principles of
Peaceful Coexistence. After the reform of opening-up in 1979, China started to adhere to
international institutions standards and “adapted many domestic laws to conform to those
of other countries” (CFR, 2023). In the sequence of Chinese great economic progress, its
role in global governance was enhanced, with China even creating in last two decades its
own multilateral and regional arrangements, as well as governance institutions, such as
the ASEAN, the BRICS, the Shangai Cooperation Organization (SCO), the Asian
Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) and the New Development Bank (NDB), taking
part then as a rule-maker (CFR, 2023; Noesselt, 2022). However, also at local levels,
governance suffered a restructuration as Chinese villages faced a significant rural-to-
urban migration of population seeking better benefits frequently associated to urban
areas (Jie Lu, 2015).
To better understand Chinese application of governance mechanisms, one should
understand primarily the politics and ideology of socialist market economy and all its
components in a separated way, and the new challenges it poses, such as: the ‘glocal
politics, the emergence of ‘community building’, the emergence of concepts of ‘choice’
and ‘citizens’ participation’ in policies, and moral conduct, as well. Nevertheless, to
understand Chinese governance implies also understanding non-liberal contexts and
more particularly “the complex socio-historical terrain of modern China” (Sigley,
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2006:489). In fact, in Chinese government’s discourses, a socialist market economy does
not require a retreat of the State’; instead, it requires a changing in its approaches by
combining wisely neo-liberal and socialist strategies (Sigley, 2006). The Party itself
perceives its action in a different way: from a ‘revolutionary’ Party to a ‘ruling’ one whose
commitment is now, amongst other duties, to lead to a government that is ‘service-
oriented’ (Sigley, 2006; Palmer and Winiger, 2019).
Despite a certain degree of acceptance of neo-liberal ideals, translated by the progressive
acceptance of international accounting practices and the membership into neo-liberal
institutions and international organizations, like World Trade Organization, World Health
Organization, amongst others, the government is very assertive in its conviction that the
market economy requires a strong and powerful political system and, thus, the State
should not retreat, but should ‘regroup’ and implement governance in a ‘socialist manner’
(Sigley, 2006). The Chinese concept of governance incorporates then elements of market-
oriented economic reforms and state-led development (Hu, 2020). Overall, one can
observe that across time, from Mao (and even previously in imperial periods) to
contemporaneity, Chinese system of governance have been a unique balance between
authoritarianism, centralization; and political and administrative decentralization
(Bardhan, 2020).
This mix of neo-liberalism and authoritarianism acquires a particular dimension in Chinese
case, but this is not an exception, as it is possible to observe in Sigley (2006: 491):
“In the case of China, it is crucial to understand that although Maoist socialism, for
example, may seem as far removed from systems of Western liberalism as one can
imagine, all ‘modern’ systems of government are cut from the same cloth”. This crucial
aspect leads us to questions of global governance and new global order that are treated
in next sub-section.
2.2 New global order: hegemony vs. multilateralism
The period of emergence of academic studies about the ‘China rise’ was in the first decade
of new millennium, because previously international society had not realized the
proportion of such phenomenon and the consequences of China’s rapidly growing
economy for global order and, particularly, global governance. Currently, there is no
doubt, namely in academic field, that China is a new agent in global governance, whether
it pretends to be as such or not.
The point is to assess to what extent it leads to a peaceful and harmonious global order
or to a conflicting one, or even, in another perspective, to a hegemonic power or a
multilateral one (Gu et al., 2008). Currently, under Xi Jinping leadership which is more
assertive than previous leaders China affirms that the established institutions serve the
agenda of Western powers and are, for that reason, somehow obsolete (Drysdale, Triggs
and Wang 2017; Krign and Gallagher, 2019). In fact, China’s position is to combat any
form of unilateralism or hegemony, defending true multilateralism, advocating for more
equitable, effective and inclusive global development with a view to sharing the future of
development that lead to the current President Xi Jinping motto of “community of shared
future for mankind” (Athar, 2021).
Independently of the pathway followed, the point is that China already constitutes a huge
competitor for the access to energy and natural resources worldwide. Besides that, China
has big amounts of currency reserves, and investments in foreign sovereign debts, so its
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decisions in this field can create a huge impact in international order. Finally, it is
important to outline that the country also plays an important role in environmental issues,
as it is responsible for a big proportion of world’s greenhouse gases emissions (Erbach
and Jochheim, 2022).
To analyze these aspects and respective impacts, various authors have indicated in their
studies three main schools of thought: realism, liberalism, and constructivism. From the
realist perspective, every rising power tends to impose its ideology and materialistic
power (Friedberg, 2005) and China is not different, such as Mearsheimer (2001: 400)
said: “China, like all previous potential hegemons, [will] be strongly inclined to become
a real hegemon”. According to this perspective, China is not likely to achieve a peaceful
rise; it is instead seen as a threat that challenges the hegemonic power of United States
of America (Gu et al., 2008). Indeed, in recent years, especially after the outbreak of the
Covid-19 pandemic, the world has been witnessing a growing tension and rivalry between
the two countries: what was initially only seen as a trade war, soon derived into some
political tensions with the Taiwan question, the case of Xinjiang alleged violation of
human rights, the use of narratives such as the “Chinese virus” and a number of other
episodes of tension.
In turn, the liberalist perspective tends to see an interdependent order, derived from an
economic interdependency between trading states. The key aspects of liberalist point of
view are mutually reinforcing mechanisms, such as: (i) economic interdependence; (ii)
international institutions; (iii) and democratization (Friedberg, 2005). In the case of
China, liberalists tend to defend the concept of ‘peaceful rise’ as they believe that bilateral
or multilateral economic exchange promotes shared interests and good relations which
aims at preserving peace and avoid any kind of conflict (Friedberg, 2005). Regarding
international institutions, numbers are revealing: People’s Republic of China has been
increasing its membership in international governmental institutions and in international
non-governmental organizations, as well. For example, between 1977 and 1997 the
membership of formal governmental institutions, according to Friedberg (2005) increased
from 21 to 52. Even the issue of democratization as perceived in the West is for the
liberalists, especially for the most optimistic wing, just a question of time. In fact,
according to liberalism ideology, a rising per capita income leads to habits of freedom,
which in turn leads to democracy (Friedberg, 2005).
Finally, from the constructivist perspective, all political relations are ‘social constructions’
that are not only the result of trade and economic transactions, or even of material factors
like military forces and institutions, but also the result of intangible factors, namely:
cultural identities, strategic beliefs and norms (Wendt, 1999; Mendes, 2012). Thus,
concerning China, the more it is embedded in global institutions, the more its objectives
will comply with universal standards represented by these institutions (Friedberg, 2005).
China is currently a major player in world politics and should assume itself as such. Its
performance in terms of global governance is now much more at stake, because “with
great power comes great responsibility” (Friedberg, 2005).
2.3 Status quo power, revisionist one what to expect relating to global
governance
In literature, one finds essentially two divergent thoughts about China’s position in global
governance. One related to China’s ‘peaceful rise’ and another related to what is called
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as ‘China threat’, as already referred. This one has emerged at first and is, for the majority
of its defenders, inevitable. Indeed, Kagan (2005: 1) uses history to state that:
“The history of rising powers, however, and their attempted "management" by
established powers provides little reason for confidence or comfort. Rarely have rising
powers risen without sparking a major war that reshaped the international system to
reflect new realities of power”.
Thus, according to this perspective, China is a conservative state that aims to a revisionist
reform in global governance and, consequently, has to be contained by current powers
of global order (Callahan, 2005). As China is a rising power, it is by definition dissatisfied
with United States’ hegemony according to real-politik argument (Johnston & Johnston,
2013). Besides that, revisionist powers in their more radical position normally reject the
primary institutions of international society, as they do not identify themselves with their
ideological bases (Buzan, 2010). Indeed, despite it aligns with some old institutions
especially in the UN agencies, China also belongs to recent economic and political
arrangements, especially regional ones such as the BRICS and the ASEAN (Stuenkel,
2020). In a rapidly changing international order, new arrangements especially involving
the Global South (developing countries in Africa, Asia, Latin America, and the Caribbean)
have arisen; China has actively sought to strengthen its ties with these countries through
various diplomatic, economic, and developmental initiatives and the so-called South-
south cooperation in an attempt to counter-balance the hegemony of the Global North
(Alden et al., 2005; Gray and Gills, 2016).
On the other hand, there is the reverse thought, the one which emphasizes China peaceful
rise. This involves an accommodation to the rules of international society and institutional
structures and a re-adaptation effort of established powers in order to adjust to new
disposition of power as well (Buzan, 2010). According to Gonzalez-Vicente (2015:96):
“In its attempt to present itself as a benign power, the Chinese state has elaborated a
discourse that separates diplomatic aspects from other interrelated dimensions, such as
economics, politics at scales other than the interstate system, society and culture”.
In addition, based on Chinese culture, there is a spirit of individual’s sacrifice for the
greater good of the group, which can lead to the famous parable used in games theory,
the Prisoner’s dilemma (Wang, 2016). As one evidence of Chinese effort to comply with
the norms of international arena, it has been increasing its responsible membership in
international organizations at regional and global levels, as a way of proving its intention
to rise peacefully and comply with the status quo order (Callahan, 2008). The compliance
with status quo order is one consequence of current Chinese priority to sustain the
economic development achieved so far, adopting a dual-circulation model in its 14th Five-
years Plan for sustainable development (Javed et al., 2023).
To achieve this economic sustainability, China needs stability in international relations,
both at the regional and at the global levels and this leads to a shift in policies from Mao
Zedong revolutionary character and antagonism regarding Western-dominated status
quo, to Deng Xiaoping’s policy of scientific development within the status quo order
(Buzan, 2010). By its turn, the objective of President Hu Jintao leadership (2003-2013)
of having a harmonious society and, by extension, a harmonious world is no more
sufficient to sustain the continuation of peaceful rise (Buzan, 2010).
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The concept of community itself has been re-valorized and transformed into a specific
institutional model within systems of governance (Bray, 2006). From 2000 onwards, the
community is designated as “the basic unit of urban social, political and administrative
organization”, originating a new rationality of urban governance, overall after the massive
migration of peasants and rural workers into urban areas in 1980’s (Bray, 2006). Facing
new challenges like increased demands for child care and elderly assistance, the central
government has expanded the scope of community services even into areas including
“culture, health, environment, education, morality, policing, grassroots democracy and
‘Party building’” (Bray, 2006). Communitarianism is then seen as a flexible new technique
of governance. It is even extrapolated to foreign policy through Xi Jinping motto of
“Community of Shared Future for Mankind”, which represents a vision for global
cooperation and solidarity, aiming to address common challenges and promote a more
inclusive and prosperous world for all. Its implementation and effectiveness will depend
on the willingness of countries to engage in genuine dialogue, mutual respect, and
collective action (Chen, 2021; Zhao, 2018).
The “Community of Shared Future for Mankind” is not limited to government-to-
government cooperation, but also extends to people-to-people exchanges, cultural
dialogue, and mutual understanding. It encourages collaboration in areas such as trade,
investment, science and technology, education, and cultural exchanges, with the goal of
fostering harmony and common development (Zhao, 2018).
While the concept has gained traction in certain international forums and has been
embraced by some countries, it has also faced criticism and skepticism. Critics argue that
the community of shared future may be used to advance certain countries' geopolitical
interests or to promote a particular vision of global governance that may not align with
the principles and values of all nations.
3. Discussion/ Conclusions
Governance is a complex concept because it englobes various fields of analysis. This
literature review analyzed the concept and its relation with two major topics that derived
from the in-depth reading of the selected articles: the new global order (hegemony vs.
multilateralism) and the kind of position that China assumes in this global order (status
quo vs. revisionist power). The new global order might be translated into a transition
from a unipolar world order whose hegemony belongs so far to the United States of
America, to a multipolar world power composed by United States, Europe, China, Africa
and other developing states mainly from the Global South.
The definition of ‘governance’ considered in this study was the one given by Tony Saich
(2004: 22) as it relates directly with political science domain: “the functioning of
government institutions and administrative departments to the broader issues of how
individual citizens, groups and communities relate to the State”. Regarding the specificity
of the concept applied to Chinese case, it results from a range of characteristics, but we
can point out the main influential one, that is: the combination of a capitalist economy
with a one-party ruled, socialist and authoritarian political system, which challenges the
global governance status quo. In fact, at the global level, neo-liberal principles regarding
global governance remain dominant and if China continues to pursue its political
nationalism with emphasis on ‘China Dream’ values, then its governance is likely to be
more efficient and influent at the regional level, especially in the Global South. It is quite
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difficult to characterize China’s position as a developing country aiming at fairer trade
conditions for other nations in the same case, tending thus to be a revisionist power; or,
on the contrary, an emerging power with its own interests in the maintenance of the
current order, shouldered by the World Trade Organization, being, for such reasons, a
status quo power. One can argue that during Maoist period, China was a revolutionary
revisionist power, while since the reform of opening-up and mostly since its entry into
World Trade Organization in 2001, it tends to be acting more in accordance with a status
quo power, in a logic of ‘peaceful rise’.
According to this literature review, it is possible to conclude that, starting from the late
nineties, and especially after 2001, China has been assuming a pragmatic and apolitical
model of governance, in an attempt to demonstrate the possibility of success of
alternatives to the Western dominant neo-liberal modes of governance; despite it is, at
the same time, adopting some new liberal techniques of governance. Finally, regarding
the research goal that oriented this study, it is possible to conclude that taking into
consideration the various perspectives observed in this review, it is quite difficult to define
China as a revisionist power or as a status quo power, because it presents a combination
of characteristics that pertain to both and it has been very successful in this blend of
features that turns Chinese governance so peculiar.
For now, its main concern is its national governance issues in order to secure the Party-
State’s main goal of economic growth sustainability, equitable distribution of income,
social cohesion and harmonious society with a revival of socialist values and Confucian
morality. In order to achieve this, translating its national growth into political bargaining
power, China is considering the global order and the ‘peaceful risestrategy as a subtle
way to obtain, at first, its domestic goals. It is then possible to conclude that, for the near
future, despite great progression in its path, China has a long way ahead to construct a
stronger sense of international society and mature its governance mechanisms.
This literature review identified the major aspects of governance applied to Chinese
context and suggests that more works would be interesting to be conducted with the
purpose of shedding light on other dimensions of the concept, namely on public and
private governance, e-governance and meta- governance.
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