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VOL14 N2 TD1

Thematic dossier

Historical and Contemporary Perspectives on East Asia

January/Janeiro 2024

TRADE, ETHNIC DIVERSITY AND ASSIMILATION IN THE PORTUGUESE-CREOLE

COMMUNITY IN THE MELAKA-SINGAPORE REGION, 1780-1840

TEDDY YH SIM

researchcl@gmail.com

His research interests lies in the Portuguese colonial enterprise in the East, in particular on

India, of which he has published several papers and two books (Portuguese enterprise in the

East: Survival in the years 1707-57 (2011) and Portuguese colonial military in India:

Apparition of control 1750-1850 (2022)). He is also the editor of Piracy and surreptitious

activities in the Malay Archipelago 1600-1840 (2014) and Maritime defence of China: Ming

general Qi Jiguang (2017). Apart from the above, he is also interested in communities of

mixed ethnicities (such as the Peranakans and Kristangs) in the Malaya-Singapore region

(Singapore).

DENNIS DE WITT

dewittdennis@gmail.com

Independent scholar from Malaysia (Malaysia) who has a keen interest on subjects relating

to the communities of Malaysian Eurasians and the history of Melaka, due to his own

heritage. He has presented papers at academic seminars, authored several books

particularly on Melaka and contributed articles for local and overseas journals, newspapers

and magazines. In 2009, he was the recipient of the ‘Dutch incentive prize for Genealogy’

for his book History of the Dutch in Malaysia

Abstract

The story of the Portuguese/mixed Portuguese/Portuguese Eurasian community in Singapore

and Malaysia saw increasing voice (albeit in different intensity) on both sides of the border to

assert their identities. While the theories and modelings of mixed race and related studies for

contemporary society have made great strides in progress, similar paradigms are not always

been applied to the study of communities in history. Past paradigms (involving theory of tribe)

have been applied to the study of the Portuguese/mixed Portuguese communities in Southeast

Asia, such as by L. Andaya, focuses to some extent on the attributes (traits/outcome) of the

community. This paper induces a few perspectives about the Portuguese/mixed Portuguese

communities in the Singapore-Melaka region which showed them to locate themselves in more

than one strata of society. At the extreme, certain sub-groups could even hold more than one

identity. With the sub-group affiliated with the Dutch, which was most well-supported in

evidence, the traits were maintained implicitly and explicitly in the families through the women

married into them as well as the posts held under the Dutch cum indigenous colonial

administration. With the transition into the British era, Portuguese/mixed Portuguese sub-

communities embraced Anglicized influence in Melaka and Singapore while the lower sub-

groups were very likely indigenized further. The political economy of the Dutch (and British)

activities in the East Indies impacted directly to mold the traits and behaviors of the

Portuguese / mixed Portuguese sub-communities; influencing at times to some extent on the

faith and religious aspect of these sub-communities. The formative influences of the 1780-

1840 that the Dutch and British colonial authorities left behind set the tone of the development

of these sub-communities in the next hundred years or so.

JANUS.NET, e-journal of International Relations

e-ISSN: 1647-7251

VOL14 N2 TD1

Historical and Contemporary Perspectives on East Asia

January 2024, pp. 5-31

Trade, Ethnic Diversity and Assimilation in The Portuguese-Creole Community in the

Melaka-Singapore Region, 1780-1840

Teddy YH Sim and Dennis De Witt

Keywords

Mixed race (studies), mixed/creole Portuguese, transitional period 18-19th century, tribe theory,

Melaka (Malacca), Singapore, Dutch/British colonial period in Malaya

Resumo

A história da comunidade portuguesa/mista portuguesa/portuguesa euroasiática em

Singapura e na Malásia viu aumentar as vozes (embora em intensidade diferente) em ambos

os lados da fronteira para afirmarem as suas identidades. Embora as teorias e modelos de

raça mista e estudos relacionados para a sociedade contemporânea tenham feito grandes

progressos, paradigmas semelhantes nem sempre são aplicados ao estudo das comunidades

na história. Paradigmas anteriores (envolvendo a teoria da tribo) foram aplicados ao estudo

das comunidades portuguesas / portuguesas mistas no Sudeste Asiático, tal como por L.

Andaya, que se concentra até certo ponto nos atributos (características/resultados) da

comunidade. Este artigo induz algumas perspectivas sobre as comunidades portuguesas /

mistas portuguesas na região Singapura-Malaca que mostraram que se localizam em mais do

que um estrato da sociedade. No extremo, certos subgrupos poderiam até ter mais do que

uma identidade. Com o subgrupo afiliado aos holandeses, que foi mais bem apoiado em

evidências, as características foram mantidas implícita e explicitamente nas famílias através

das mulheres que as obteram através do seu casamento, bem como os cargos ocupados sob

a administração colonial holandesa e indígena. Com a transição para a era britânica, as

subcomunidades portuguesas/mistas portuguesas abraçaram a influência anglicizada em

Malaka e Singapura, enquanto os subgrupos inferiores foram muito provavelmente ainda mais

indigenizados. A economia política das actividades holandesas (e britânicas) nas Índias

Orientais teve um impacto directo na formação dos traços e comportamentos das

subcomunidades portuguesas/mistas portuguesas; influenciando, por vezes, até certo ponto,

a fé e os aspectos religiosos destas subcomunidades. As influências formativas de 1780-1840

que as autoridades coloniais holandesas e britânicas deixaram para trás definiram o tom do

desenvolvimento destas subcomunidades nos próximos cem anos ou mais.

Palavras-chave

Raça mista (estudos), português misto/crioulo, período de transição do século XVIII-XIX,

teoria das tribos, Malaca, Singapura, período colonial holandês/britânico na Malásia

How to cite this article

Sim, Teddy YH & Witt, Dennis De (2024). Trade, Ethnic Diversity and Assimilation in The

Portuguese-Creole Community in the Melaka-Singapore Region, 1780-1840. Janus.net, e-

journal of international relations, Thematic dossier “Historical and Contemporary Perspectives

on East Asia”, VOL14, N2, TD1, pp. 5-32, consulted [online] on date of the last view.

https://doi.org/10.26619/1647-7251.DT24.1

Article received on January 2, 2023 and accepted on June 23, 2023

JANUS.NET, e-journal of International Relations

e-ISSN: 1647-7251

VOL14 N2 TD1

Historical and Contemporary Perspectives on East Asia

January 2024, pp. 5-31

Trade, Ethnic Diversity and Assimilation in The Portuguese-Creole Community in the

Melaka-Singapore Region, 1780-1840

Teddy YH Sim and Dennis De Witt

TRADE, ETHNIC DIVERSITY AND ASSIMILATION IN THE

PORTUGUESE-CREOLE COMMUNITY IN THE MELAKA-

SINGAPORE REGION, 1780-1840

TEDDY YH SIM

DENNIS DE WITT

Introduction and brief literature review

The contemporary situation in the last two decades in Singapore and Malaysia has (re-

)surfaced the issues of the Eurasian sub-communities in these respective societies. In

Malaysia as in Singapore, the attempt of these sub-communities to assert their identities

was needed to engage the local and national politics of the day. The forces of market,

post-colonial and globalization propensities have also elicited new stresses and

awareness that generated decentralized tendencies that lend a hand to the survival

(and/or revival) of the sub-communities. The contemporary issues, not surprisingly,

raises the awareness that certain developments in historical societies; albeit fueled by

more traditional forces-in-operation, manifested similar and dissimilar trajectories with

later societies in which the Eurasian communities were a part of. A recent work by Brenda

Yeoh et al. (2019) on the Eurasian community in parts of Southeast Asia revealed about

the perceptions of individuals of the community in the post-colonial and post-

independence context. The comprehensive literature survey of the subject-matter probed

the mixed-race studies temporally and spatially, this diversely defined community had to

negotiate with power relations as well as (new) processes of globalization in order to

forge their identity and survival. Further in terms of spatial survey, the mixed race

(mestiço) studies in South America are highlighted because it is ‘most’ sophisticated

being performed there. On Southeast Asia, the works of G.L. Chew and Z.L. Rocha for

instance are highlighted how marriages, colonial legacies, development of languages

(etc.) created sublime if not obvious differentiation between the mixed race and other

segments of the community. Embedded in the researches and multi-perspectival

approaches is the canvassing (not exclusively) for the historical angle, in particular in

G.L. Chew’s A sociolinguistic history of identities in Singapore; advocating for a ‘middle

path’ (between essentialism and constructivism that “allowed for participation of human

beings in the dynamics of history” (Chew, 2013: 10). Specifically on historical Southeast

Asia, Brenda Yeoh et al. pointed out the research on mixed-race is ‘most sophisticated’

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e-ISSN: 1647-7251

VOL14 N2 TD1

Historical and Contemporary Perspectives on East Asia

January 2024, pp. 5-31

Trade, Ethnic Diversity and Assimilation in The Portuguese-Creole Community in the

Melaka-Singapore Region, 1780-1840

Teddy YH Sim and Dennis De Witt

in Dutch or French colonial studies

. It is noted that mixed-race studies are more multi-

perspectival, often including a historical angle. The coverage on the different (niche)

geographical areas continues to be uneven. This is affirmed to some extent in, for

instance, in P. Havik and M. Newitt edited Creole societies in the Portuguese colonial

empire, which did not feature any chapter on Southeast Asia despite coverage on varied

regions around the world (Havik and Newitt, 2015). Historical/colonial studies on

communities in Malaya is still relatively lacking compared to studies on the East Indies.

Focusing the (literature) survey on the (early) modern periods in Southeast Asia, there

existed limited but specific studies such as by J. Villiers (1986), R. Daus (1989), R.

Fernando (2004), J. Taylor (2005), N. Hussein (2006), S. Bosma and Raben (2008),

Halikowski-Smith (2011) and D. De Witt (2012). The brief listing revealed several trends

about the sub-field of mixed-race studies linking specifically to ‘Eurasians’ in the

Archipelagic (in particular, Singapore-Malaya) region. i) Research done in the 1980s on

the Portuguese in Southeast Asia focused on the ‘formal’ jurisdiction of the group in the

region (specifically Melaka) and its associated (historical) phase in the 15-16th century

period. At the same time, Daus’ work (1989) also shed light on some traits and

developments of the Eurasian community in Melaka (and the region); this community

appeared to have evolved into broad sub-classes. ii) In the post-2000 period, Hussein’s

work added intricate details to the Portuguese mixed-race community in Melaka while

Fernando’s article (2004) made particular note about the broader petty and diverse

trading community that peruse the Malacca Straits. De Witt’s article in 2012 made

refinements to the understanding of the community in Melaka in the areas such as the

mutual perception of status, the intermediary status of the Portuguese Eurasians (etc.).

iii) On the Dutch or French colonial studies that Brenda Yeoh et al. pointed out to be

potentially contributive to modern studies, these were usually located in the period of

high imperialism although there were some allusions to the early modern period. Further,

Halikowski-Smith’s work (2011), although focusing on early modern Siam (Ayuthaya),

made the connection to archipelagic (Portuguese) diaspora (from Makassar). Some take-

aways from Dutch studies relating to the period under investigation were: the Dutch (and

the British during the 1811-16 interregnum) attempted to modify the customs and traits

of the Portuguese mixed-race community (apparently without too much success). The

underclass, involving those who resisted the colonial reforms, also most likely belonged

to the marginalized sub-groups. A paradigm that was adopted to analyze the

Portuguese/mixed Portuguese sub-groups in Southeast Asia (Halikowski-Smith 2011,

earlier in Andaya & Andaya 1995) was the modeling of the tribe. With the loss and passing

of the Portuguese Melaka in the 17th century, the adoption of the modeling of the tribe

to examine the Portuguese in Southeast Asia was an apt fit for a collection of sub-

communities that continued to keep-up certain aspects of Iberian customs and cultural

characteristics. The progress of historiography on the theory of the tribe and mixed-race

studies, in conjunction with issues arising in contemporary society in the associated

Yeoh’s study naturally focused on the evolution of ‘race’ in the Dutch and French (colonial) studies because

these two colonial states had been most proactive in applying 19th-century ethnology in the governance of

their colonies. Early definitions of a ‘race’ referred to a division in humankind based on differences in origins,

(geographical) distribution and distinctive (biological) characteristics. A mixed race sub-group arose when

the different racial groups interbred and evolved along a path of hybridity.

JANUS.NET, e-journal of International Relations

e-ISSN: 1647-7251

VOL14 N2 TD1

Historical and Contemporary Perspectives on East Asia

January 2024, pp. 5-31

Trade, Ethnic Diversity and Assimilation in The Portuguese-Creole Community in the

Melaka-Singapore Region, 1780-1840

Teddy YH Sim and Dennis De Witt

(Eurasian) communities in Singapore-Melaka, are gradually compelling a re-look of these

communities; in particular, of their developments in the past.

A plausible hypothesis that can undergird this paper which professes to re-explore and

examine the Portuguese-creole communities in the Melaka-Singapore region in the

historical period (1780-1840) is: The surviving Portuguese/mixed Portuguese

communities in Southeast Asia continued to keep-up some/certain aspects of Portuguese

culture inherited from shades of community life lived prior (when the Portuguese held

power in Melaka). With sub-groups devolving into intrinsically identifiable assemblage of

people, whether permanently settled in a place or forming part of the larger sojourning

network, the description of these sub-groups could take on a more complex and diverse

picture, in line with more advanced/later work done on tribe theory and mixed-race

studies. More importantly, the transition of the sub-groups in a period of changing

hegemonies (in particular, 18-19th centuries) gave rise to an amalgamated but less-than-

unitary set of cultural characteristics/identities that would define the evolutionary path

of the mixed Portuguese / Eurasian communities in the next hundred years or more in

the Singapore-Melaka region (broadly speaking, peninsular Southeast Asia).

The focus of this paper is directed to the discussion of the Portuguese/mixed Portuguese

communities in Melaka in the long period after the fall of Melaka (17th-early 19th century),

and by extension of the close lineage links between this settlement (Melaka) and

Singapore, similarly communities in Singapore in the immediate period following its

founding (1819). In terms of the structure of this paper, the lines of probing and

investigation approach the research along three strands of inquiry in the main body (of

the paper). First, the authors will re-visit the argument fielded by L. Andaya and probe

into the sub-groups and characteristics mooted by the eminent Southeast Asian scholar.

Second, the authors will probe into the Portuguese / mixed Portuguese sub-groups that

existed in the Singapore-Melaka region and the identities (tagging with the associated

traits/characteristics) which they existed in. Third, the authors will attempt to make an

analysis and explanation on the evolved form of the sub-communities from the

perspective of the changing Dutch-British political economy, their attitude towards

religion and their broader environmental background. The limits of the analytical

approach undertaken in this paper may be briefly broached: evidence for the

communities-in-investigation (especially the minority or marginalized groups) in the

early modern transitioning into the modern period is fairly limited. Therefore, this paper

hopes to utilize extant sources, including secondary ones, and attempt a re-look of these.

In the process, some degree of theorizing may be merited.

Issues of ethnic diversity and framework

L. Andaya (1995) referred specifically to four relatively diverse sub-groups across the

East Indies region (casados, native Christians, Marijkers, and Pampangers) who were

married Portuguese (descended from Albuquerque’s initiative) or were converted locals,

Indian slaves as well as Filipino mercenaries. Andaya posited that these sub-communities

were linked by a set of common traits (creole language, Catholic religion and European

dress) inherited from their Portuguese heritage. The sources of Portuguese/mixed

Portuguese cultural presence and perpetuation in Southeast Asia depended to some

extent on the maintenance of the mixed (including the slave) population. Later scholars

such as Stefan Halikowaski-Smith (2011) drew upon the paradigm of the tribe for his

JANUS.NET, e-journal of International Relations

e-ISSN: 1647-7251

VOL14 N2 TD1

Historical and Contemporary Perspectives on East Asia

January 2024, pp. 5-31

Trade, Ethnic Diversity and Assimilation in The Portuguese-Creole Community in the

Melaka-Singapore Region, 1780-1840

Teddy YH Sim and Dennis De Witt

work on the Portuguese community in Ayuthaya and explored the static and transitional

aspects of their traits. The Portuguese community in Ayuthaya was bolstered partly from

sub-communities from the other parts of archipelagic Southeast Asia. The idea of the

‘tribe’, as used in these works, referred to a group or groups of people, likely of the same

ethnicity, maintaining activities (political, economic etc.) at the most basic level of

societal organization. Apart from the main thesis, Andaya also conjectures that the

identity of the creole groups attenuated (or was weakened) at the beginning of the 19th

century; arising from the loss of traits that members in the group usually practiced. This,

according to Andaya, arose when the Dutch shifted their favor and needs towards the

native slave population in substitution for the mixed Portuguese ones. This resulted in

the reduced need for the use of the language and Portuguese-styled dressing; which

eventually spelt the demise of the Portuguese community (tribe) in the region. Even if

Catholicism continued to be practiced, the catechism and mass were conducted in the

native Malay language (!) (Andaya, 1995: 138-42).

We can take a closer look at the groups mooted by Andaya to probe the general

characteristics of mixed Portuguese or creole groups and whether these typified the sub-

groups inhabiting in the Singapore-Melaka region. Of the four sub-groups [Casados,

Mardijkers (ex-slaves / later members Tugu community), native Christians (Maluku),

Pampangers (Luzon / Maluku)] discussed by Andaya, the casados, followed by the native

Christians and ex-slaves, had the most potential of embracing the creole Portuguese

characteristics. The Pampangers, while they were employed by the Portuguese (or

Spanish), were also likely to adopt some of these characteristics. Casados most likely

inhabited in the established colony-settlements of the Estado da Índia. A. Theodoro de

Matos has prior distinguished between formal and informal Portuguese colonies in the

East although in light of contemporary paradigms, the path of inquiry might align better

with reality if one does not over-stress on the boundaries between the two types of

settlements. Amongst the traits highlighted for discussion in connection with the sub-

community (language, religion and dress), the casados (and to some extent, the native

Christians and ex-slaves) were most likely to embrace these traits in the ‘formally-

occupied’ ports/enclaves (such as Melaka and Timor) in Southeast Asia. Across

Archipelagic Southeast Asia, different places and settlements had received Portuguese

injection in resources and manpower from the 16th century. While Melaka, and later

Timor, was ‘formally’ conquered, one could locate several feitorias (factories) in Banda,

Makassar, Martaban and Tenasserim as well as a variety of fortalezas (fortresses) in the

other islands, such as in the Spice islands (Villiers, 1986: 52). There, the broader

typification discussed by Fernando probably better described the itinerant, sojourning

and settled mixed Portuguese sub-groups in the region. Even in the formally conquered

Timor, ‘miscegenated Portuguese’, known as topasses, who although had been typified

to dress in chapeu and partial European dressing, comprised of Portuguese, Florenese,

Timorese, Indians, Dutch deserters (etc.) in reality. The implication was that the

Portuguese mixed communities in the different parts of Southeast Asia, not least in the

Singapore-Melaka region, was likely to be diverse in composition (Jesus Espada, 2003:

163-71).

Of the other sub-groups discussed by Andaya, native Indian Christians in the Bengal sea

had been known by certain family names, which were Portuguese-sounding. Specifically,

the portrait of Portuguese /mixed Portuguese individuals from a locality in Hughli in the

JANUS.NET, e-journal of International Relations

e-ISSN: 1647-7251

VOL14 N2 TD1

Historical and Contemporary Perspectives on East Asia

January 2024, pp. 5-31

Trade, Ethnic Diversity and Assimilation in The Portuguese-Creole Community in the

Melaka-Singapore Region, 1780-1840

Teddy YH Sim and Dennis De Witt

17th century wore a short-top headgear, linen shirt, doublet (or jerkins) and breeches

mimicking the European fashion of the different periods (Halikowski-Smith, 2011: 232).

These individuals and sub-groups frequently sailed across the Bengal sea and traded in

Southeast Asia.

Andaya had acknowledged the importance of Melaka in the 16-17th century. Transitioning

from the 18th to 19th century, while the trade and port (of Melaka) was ‘still important’ in

the 1780-90s, this (trade) suffered to some extent in the 1820s as the port became a

feeder facility to Singapore. There has been a conjecture that other than the limited

presence in Melaka (in the 18th century), the diaspora of the mixed Portuguese people

between the different (British) settlements only amounted to ‘a trickle’ because

Portuguese / mixed Portuguese had been gravitating to and residing in mainland as well

as outside Southeast Asia (Fernando, 2004; Fernando, 2006)

. Those who settled in

Melaka and those who perused the port from outside constituted two rather distinct sub-

groups, probably overlapped by peddler-type individuals from the bazaar. The ex-slaves

(or Mardijkers), exemplified by the Tugu people in Batavia, usually wore a hat, spoke

some degree of creole Portuguese, and attended church as well as relished or kept-up

with some musical activities (kroncong Tugu) and festive observations (rabo-rabo).

Dutch rule in Batavia, typified by a highly privilege-based colonial society in additional to

Governor-generals who were keen to promote Dutch values and urban culture in the

society they governed in the 18th century marginalized this mixed-race group; leading to

a deterioration of the identifiable traits over time.

The mercenaries (Pampangers), discussed by Andaya, and who were recruited and

deployed by the Portuguese and Spanish, appeared to originate from Luzon in the

Philippines and likely to be Christianized. The attainment of the Iberians in war and

weaponry reached its prime in the 16th and 17th century, this manifested in the form of

a vibrant mercenary market in mainland Southeast Asia. The availability of the excess

military labor arose partly from the diaspora that resulted from the fall of Melaka and

other places in Southeast Asia where the Portuguese had been ousted from. At the tail-

end period of the early modern era transitioning into the 19th century (1780-1820), native

Discussion with Dr Radin Fernando, a specialist on Southeast Asia on the early modern trade of the region,

revealed that other than the (stabilized) presence in Melaka in 18th century (referring to the diasporic trickle

of the Portuguese/mixed Portuguese in the Dutch and British colonial settlements), the group was more

gravitated to and resided in greater numbers on the mainland (Southeast Asia). Mainland Southeast Asia

was a highly commercialized place in the 17-18th centuries, whether referring to Burma during the Taungoo

period, Siam under the Ayuthaya dynasty, or the increasingly assertive Nguyen-controlled Cochin China,

although incessant wars also occurred between these entities (most notably between the first two). The fall

of the Taungoo and Ayuthaya kingdoms and the re-constitution of these states under the Konbaung and

Chakri dynasties in 1752 and 1782 respectively were registered in primary and secondary sources to be

difficult periods for the Portuguese or their mixed compatriots in terms of opportunities in commerce or

military labor hire. In terms of the religious influence that the Portuguese had on mainland Southeast Asia

via the Padroado (royal patronage) and the Company of Jesus, these saw the most progress in two

‘provinces’ instituted by the Company which also oversaw activities in Ayuthaya. Despite the numerically

smaller group in Cochin China relative to that in Tonkin, this group saw ‘more steady’ development.

However, all these came to an end with the suppression of the Jesuits and the Tayson revolt in the 1770s.

The most probable draw for the remnant Portuguese not coming down to archipelagic Southeast Asia was

the availability of the overland routes across the mainland amidst the instability occurring in the different

periods. A number of these routes not surprisingly stretched across the narrowest part of the Siam-Malay

peninsula to link up to the Gulf of Siam; where ports (such as Bangkok and Saigon) along the inner lining

of the Siamese gulf and coasts of Cochinchina were revived or become prosperous in the first decades of

the 19th century. Hence, the Portuguese/mixed Portuguese sub-communities were ‘comfortably’ settled in

Penang at the northern end of the Malay Peninsula when the settlement and port was founded there.

JANUS.NET, e-journal of International Relations

e-ISSN: 1647-7251

VOL14 N2 TD1

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January 2024, pp. 5-31

Trade, Ethnic Diversity and Assimilation in The Portuguese-Creole Community in the

Melaka-Singapore Region, 1780-1840

Teddy YH Sim and Dennis De Witt

rulers in Asia who possessed the wealth and resources preferred to hire French trainers

and mercenaries and Iberian employability as mercenary was diminished. A caricature of

Portuguese mixed-race mercenary from Pagan in Burma in the late 18th century revealed

a dwindling hire donning an unconventional headgear, doublet and breeches (the last

worn without any stocking; in addition to the dispensation with footwear) (see picture 1

in Appendices). To assess the arguments fielded by Andaya, in particular, the extent to

which they depicted the Portuguese / mixed Portuguese communities in Melaka (and by

extension, in Singapore) from 17th – early 19th century: i) The different sub-groups

discussed represented the archetypes of the Portuguese/mixed Portuguese groups

(tagged to the associated traits) in Southeast Asia. Of the four groups highlighted, three

of these groups could lend a hand to describe the groupings found in post-1641 Melaka

to some degree. ii) Andaya also pegged the survival of the Portuguese/mixed Portuguese

communities in Southeast Asia to the injection of creole members from the slave

communities in particular. Accordingly, the fading of the mixed Portuguese community

was the result of the diminution of the slave community; replaced by (a preference) for

the native slave labor. The traits of the Portuguese/mixed Portuguese communities

survived in the later part of the 19th century because there was a ‘revival’ in these

communities in the Melaka-Singapore region (Pereira, 2015). iii) Andaya’s utilization of

the model of the ‘tribe’ highlighted the social/primal/intrinsic characteristics of the

Portuguese/mixed Portuguese communities. There is room for the conception of the

modeling to incorporate more sophisticated theoretical development (of the tribe) as well

as perspectives from other subject disciplines.

The modeling of the ‘tribe’, applied in L. Andaya and S. Halikowski-Smith’s works, can

be perceived along a more malleable scale of social traits and/or combined with more

modern theories/paradigms to arrive at a more holistic and realistic view of the

Portuguese/mixed Portuguese sub-groups in Singapore-Melaka history. A key agenda

that arises is whether, and to what extent, a coherent framework can be crafted to

describe mixed-race groups. Contemporary works such as that of C. Chivallon (2008)

has attempted to map a typology of the theories and modeling that have engaged the

‘notion of creolization’. There existed different quadrants of theories that emphasize the

‘process’, ‘outcome’ (product) or a mixed of both in terms of the mixed-race

developments. In the discourse, the hybrid/postmodern diaspora model stresses on the

process (in line with the thrust of cultural studies) while the classical/continuity model

stresses on the manifested traits (or outcome/product) of the mixed-race community.

In-between, there are anti-classical and/or Caribbean models which stress on variant

aspects of ‘performative creoleness’ (which could in turn be process- or outcome-based,

depending on whether the attention is on the performative traits or their

deconstruction)

. Andaya’s identification of the primal characteristics (language, religion

and dress) can correspond to the concrete aspects of the ‘performative creoleness’, of

the different mixed Portuguese sub-groups in Southeast Asia (casados, native Christians,

Marijkers, and Pampangers). In modellings of neo-tribalism, advocation is made for the

conception of the ‘tribe’ to be beyond the traditional hierarchical association with more

primal societal traits (Vorobjovas-Pinta, 2021). To be sure, Andaya also accounted for

‘Performative creoleness’ refers to something representational and semiotic (eg. a trait, which can be

encapsulated in signs and symbols); that can be observed in a language or culture (etc.) associated with a

group.

JANUS.NET, e-journal of International Relations

e-ISSN: 1647-7251

VOL14 N2 TD1

Historical and Contemporary Perspectives on East Asia

January 2024, pp. 5-31

Trade, Ethnic Diversity and Assimilation in The Portuguese-Creole Community in the

Melaka-Singapore Region, 1780-1840

Teddy YH Sim and Dennis De Witt

why the traits associated with the Portuguese/mixed Portuguese communities were able

to be sustained before the 19th century (and why these faded afterwards). The schema

might be applied more intently to niche sub-groups operating in the Singapore-Melaka

regions. Portuguese/mixed-race persons pegging to a scale of social-economic

stratification, for instance, might be linked to the diverse (economic) activities

undertaken by people from this sub-group in the formal and informal world; and even

eclectic sub-groups such as the Sephardic Portuguese might be incorporated in the

related analytical discussion. Hence, more modern works, advocating for diverse

contemporary manifestations of the mixed-race (or specifically, Eurasian) sub-groups,

not only confer a multi-perspectival angle to the study of mixed-race (Portuguese) sub-

groups in Singapore-Melaka settlements but unravel more about the processes of their

development in historical time.

Apart from the association between certain cultural traits and the creole Portuguese

group, one might observe that the maintenance of cultural traits in the Portuguese/mixed

Portuguese sub-groups in Singapore-Melaka regions (themselves far from being

homogenous) was contingent upon the group undertaking or collaborating in economic

activities linked (or not linked) to the hegemonic group. The incorporation of additional

variables such as their economic preoccupation, in combination with more contemporary

modeling and/or conditions of historicity, could give rise to a more sophisticated picture

of the grouping(s) (i.e., a picture that combines economic and cultural indicators).

A preliminary conjecture may in fact be laid down at this point; to be taken up in

discussion and verified in the next section. Groups on opposite ends of the societal

spectrum – those who drew closer in economic collaboration with the hegemonic group

(whether with the Dutch/British in Melaka or with the British in Singapore) and those

who stayed at arm’s length from the hegemonic group - exhibited their own tendencies

to be reinforced or ramified/divested in the traits they practiced (Shils, 1981)

. Generally,

all sub-groups were affected to some extent as the hegemonic powers (gradually)

imposed their controls in the settlements discussed (Melaka and Singapore). Those who

drew nearer to the Dutch (or British) became more Dutchified or Anglicized

, those who

were little affiliated to the hegemonies-in-power and were marginalized became more

indigenously miscegenated although Fernando (2004) reminded us that there was some

aversion to this trend. It appeared that the sub-groups in the middling of the scale of

sub-communities residing or sojourning, for instance, in Melaka had the most chance of

The conflicts of tradition are manifested in: i) ramification – refers to a tradition breaking-up into parts

(and continuing in some ways); ii) diverstiture (disaggregation) – a tradition evolving new facets while

retaining aspects of the primary custom or practice; iii) attenuation – diminution of a tradition through

conscious or unconscious interference; iv) dissolution (and resurgence) – death of a tradition or revival

after its disappearance.

The mixed Portuguese who trailed the British in the region had begun to adapt to the Anglicized culture in

a number of ways: i) although “it was easy for Eurasians to pass as Europeans”, there was some

differentiation with Portuguese/mixed Portuguese dressing compared to British style; […] (refer pictures in

Appendices). They also adopted other British daily practices and customs; ii) In terms of language, there

was increasing preference for English vis-à-vis creole Portuguese; iii) There was also a beginning tendency

for Portuguese/mixed Portuguese to alter family names or nationality in order to facilitate their daily

activities and trades. In Penang (British Straits Settlement) in the Malay Peninsula, Europeans or mixed

Europeans wore a tricom with an even narrower brim. They wore a vest with long or no sleeves and their

trousers stretched to the ankles fitted with shoes (rather than boots, with no apparent stocking on the

outside). This represented as an initial part to the ‘more stable’ identity formed in the ‘Golden age’.

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Trade, Ethnic Diversity and Assimilation in The Portuguese-Creole Community in the

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Teddy YH Sim and Dennis De Witt

preserving their identities although this would again be mediated by the larger

environment (Singapore or Melaka) in operation.

Survey of Portuguese/creole sub-communities in Melaka-Singapore

The transitionary period (1780-1830) signaled a shift in the broader climate of trade and

colonial interference along the Straits of Melaka. The resulting change in the pattern of

commerce and activities heralded to some extent a new mode of affairs for the colonial

and indigenous players in the region (British-Dutch rivalry, experimentation of free port

system etc.). The nature of the Portuguese/mixed Portuguese community in Melaka was

in part a function of the interaction with external arrivals (in particular, traders) as well

as the measures enacted by the colonizers governing the settlement. The link between

the Portuguese/mixed Portuguese and trading community in Melaka was interceded by

the matrimony of mixed Portuguese women to (Dutch) burghers (Hussein, 2007: 273-

80, 287-90). R. Fernando has written in some detail on the Portuguese/mixed Portuguese

(Fernando termed the latter as Luso-Asian) and made the observations that: i) case study

personages (from the earlier part of 18th century) showed them to be making different

self-identifications (such as ‘burgher’, ‘Marijker’ and ‘black’) in the harbormaster’s

records of Melaka when they visited the port at different times (Fernando, 2004)

. ii)

Fernando made careful distinction between the Portuguese and mixed Portuguese (Luso-

Asians), highlighting that the former was found in fewer numbers than the latter in the

Straits of Melaka. iii) The malleability in identities was linked to the ‘assimilative process’

that had been deemed to have ‘completed’ by the 18th century. It was also likely that

historical actors manifested different identities at different times in order to facilitate their

trades. Mixed Portuguese persons underwent miscegenation in a couple of ways: i)

Portuguese persons marrying indigenous women; ii) non-Portuguese persons embracing

the Catholic faith, claiming a lineage that involved some element of Portuguese ancestry.

Going into the 19th century, while the sub-communities in Melaka interacted with Straits

(Penang and Singapore) and other urban (for instance, Kuala Lumpur) settlements, few

mercantile persons (of Portuguese origins) were arriving in Melaka. The reduction of

interaction with fresh input and influence from Iberia potentially left remnant mixed

Portuguese culture in a stasis although it continued to evolve vis-a-vis the cultures of the

other sub-communities. The remnant Portuguese persons in Southeast Asian archipelago

(specifically Singapore-Melaka region) attempted to maintain their identity by marrying

fellow Portuguese or other European families where possible.

Although L. Andaya has highlighted culturally or socially-related traits (language, religion

and dress), broader economic (occupational) trait might be considered as a contributary

input and characteristic of the Portuguese / mixed Portuguese sub-communities. The line

of inquiry taken out so far appeared to reinforce the observation that the sub-

communities under investigation were likely to conserve or divest (or abrogate) with the

cultural/social traits associated with them. The Portuguese/mixed Portuguese sub-

communities in Melaka were far from being homogenous; one can detect more than one

segment in this community, for instance: i) members of the community who sought

Dutch employment or acted as intermediaries for them; ii) mixed Portuguese women

A regular trader by a Portuguese-sounding name ‘Joseph de Andrade’ appeared to have retrograded in

the identity status, from Portuguese to burgher, and even black (or maardijker).

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Trade, Ethnic Diversity and Assimilation in The Portuguese-Creole Community in the

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Teddy YH Sim and Dennis De Witt

who were married to Dutch colonial officials or merchants/burghers; iii) segments of the

community which sought their own livelihood at arms-length from the colonizers (etc.).

Tombstones from the St. Peter’s church as well as collaborative evidence from other

sources revealed how families which possessed more Portuguese-sounding names or how

certain families of Dutch origins took in mixed Portuguese women in marriage or fielded

a (mixed Portuguese) family member working in the Dutch colonial administration. Of

the families which had Portuguese-sounding names: there were the Pereira. In

connection to the period investigated in this paper, tombstones in St. Peter’s Church

(Melaka) revealed about Francisco E. Pereira’s first son (who died as a baby; himself born

in Melaka in 1833); as well as a certain Josė Almeida Pereira. There were also the Souza

(see diagram 1 in Appendices). The first generation of the family to have their

tombstones located in St Peter’s were born in the 1780s (Manoel Francisco de Souza and

siblings). Dr Manoel Francisco’s activities appeared to be focused in Penang where he

advised Francis Light and finally retired in Melaka. The offspring of Manoel Francisco

(João Manuel) appeared to have constituted a major out-branch.

Of the Dutch families in Melaka which had mixed Portuguese elements: First, there were

the Hendriks, although it was unclear how far the Dutch descent Hendriks family’s history

went back to in Dutch Melaka, there was a certain Jacob Hendriks born around 1790 who

served as a clerk, coroner and interpreter from 1820 to 1831, and married to Johanna

Catharina Alwis (b. 1789) in Melaka. Her surname suggests that she was probably an

Asian but was a Christian and followed the local Portuguese culture. She died in 1826

and was buried in the (Roman Catholic) St. Peter's Church. One of Jacob’s daughter

(Petronella Catharina Hendriks) was also married in 1837 to João Manoel de Souza, a

Portuguese Eurasian from the town (Christiaans, 1818-1825; geneanet.org). Then, there

were the Minjoots. The Minjoot family of Melaka was said to be descended from their

progenitor named Bastiaan Minjoot (sometimes also written as Mejoodt and Majoor) who

came from South Holland and married to a Portuguese Eurasian lady by the name of

Miguela de Costa (with several children). When the preacher Johannes Theodorus van

der Werth of the new Dutch Reformed Church arrived at Melaka in 1762, he found that

members of the Dutch Reformed Church did not understand Dutch and engaged Cornelis

Minjoot (son of Bastiaan Minjoot) as a Portuguese language teacher there. The offspring

of Bastiaan Minjoot down the line, going, for instance, into fourth generation and British

times (after 1824), were married regularly to Eurasian ladies in Melaka (Christiaans,

1818-1825; British Library; Geneanet; Geni). Whether under the Dutch or British periods,

the Minjoot family, drawing upon a list of Portuguese who served as daily watchmen in

the districts of Tranquerah, Bunga Raya or Banda Hilir in Melaka in 1825, fielded names

such as Marcelino Minjoot, Adrian Minjoot, Jacob Minjoot, Federick Minjoot, Frans Minjoot

and Cornelis Minjoot (for Bunga Raya) as well as Miquel Minjoot and Ignasio Minjoot (for

Banda Hilir) (Christiaans, 1818-1825; British Library;Geneanet; Geni). Third, there were

the Spykermans. The Spykerman family name was originally spelled as Spijkerman. The

first Spijkerman who arrived in Asia in the year 1739 was Johannes Spijkerman and they

had four children. One of the children (Jan Spijkerman) married a certain Johanna Correa

(in 1768). Their children were also married to persons with Portuguese-sounding names

(for instance, Manoel Francisco de Souza, Theodosa Menesa (also Theodora Menezes))

(Christiaans, 1818-1825; Geneanet; Geni). Fourth, there were the Thomazios (previously

spelled as Tomasius). The first Tomasius in Melaka was Jan Christoffel Tomasius, who

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Teddy YH Sim and Dennis De Witt

originated from the town of Maastricht, now located in the province of Limburg in the

Netherlands. While he was in Melaka, he was married to a Portuguese Eurasian lady by

the name of Elisabeth Nonnes. The Tomasius family not only absorbed mixed Portuguese

women in marriages but also extended in influence to important local sources of power

(for instance, the Koeks) (Christiaans, 1818-1825). Yet other families that could be

traced from the cemetery of St. Peter’s church were: on the Velges, Maria Laseroe

(Lázaro), the wife of Abraham António Velge (1775-1856), who was president of the

Dutch court of justice of Melaka, was laid in St. Peter’s. From the Lázaro family, the

tombstone of Silvestre Lázaro (1786-1855) was located in St. Peter’s; his siblings, born

from the similar period in the 1780s, were also found there but there was no revelation

of their vocations or activities. Some of Silvestre’s descendants appeared to have shifted

to Singapore later after the fourth generation (1890s). Finally, from the Leynard family,

the tombstone of Henry J. Leynard is traced from 1829 (Teixeira, 1963). Some of the

descendants only made their mark in Kuala Lumpur at the beginning of 20th century as

the city became more prominent in the 1890s.

Referring to the limited statistics over the long haul in the Appendices, while the

population of Melaka grew in the 18th and 19th century (for instance, 9000+ in 1750 and

19000+ in 1817 compared to around 4-5000 in the 17th century), the Portuguese/mixed

Portuguese population had remained stable slightly before or after 1500 (see table 2 in

Appendices). This implied that the population increase in Melaka over time came from

the other ethnic groups (most notably, the Malays) although up to the 1820s, the birth

rate of the Portuguese/mixed Portuguese sub-community had always had a slight edge

over the mortality rate. In the different areas where Portuguese/mixed Portuguese

resided, there was a sharp decline in the Portuguese/mixed Portuguese sub-communities

in Bukit Cina and Bungaraya while the numbers remained dynamic in the main Melaka

town, Tranquerah and Banda Hilir. While the lands were bought over by Chinese in the

more affluent suburbs (eg. Bukit Cina), parts of Banda Hilir (and its inhabitants) were by

contrast gradually being povertized. The productivity of lands in the suburbs had suffered

from stagnancy during the Dutch period. The British administrators who took-over the

town from 1824 had hoped to replace the Dutch (permanent) lease system with a more

decentralized system where licenses were managed by local leaders (penghulus) and

landowners. Although there was some progress in the size of the acreage cultivated

towards the mid-19th century, this was achieved under a challenging environment (poor

irrigation system, resistance from the locals etc.). Mixed Portuguese who owned lands

there and who were marginalized were likely to be divested with their properties. The

stasis that set-in for sub-groups which were marginalized, whether in Malaya or

Singapore, rendered social groups in this strata similar characteristics notwithstanding

the immediate difference in time and space. The mixed Portuguese had been living by

the sea since the Portuguese times in the 17th century. It is still a part of some members

of the creole or mixed Portuguese community in the modern day. Men went fishing to

supplement their livelihood. They usually went out in small wooden perahus or pushed

through the shallows and coastal waters. Specific sources have identified the location of

dwelling of the less well-endowed sub-group to be located in places outside the Melaka

town (for instance, at Tanquerah, from the beach to Bandar Hilir, as well as Bungaraya)

while the more privileged sub-group were located in the western suburb of kampong

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Teddy YH Sim and Dennis De Witt

Serani at Jalan Portugis (within the fortified old town) (Daus, 1989: 16: Hussein, 2007:

199-200; Wikimedia commons AMH-6618-NA)

To surmise the discussion at this point, there was: first, a diverse mixed Portuguese

trading community that was moving to some extent between port-settlements in the

Straits region and facilitating the import/re-export trade of Melaka. This by no means

was homogenous and the itinerant group probably interacted with the local population to

some extent and the change in its characteristics was reflected in part the broader trend.

Of the selected sub-communities discussed, families with Portuguese-sounding names or

originated from Dutch ancestry fielded members who sought Dutch employment and

acted as intermediaries for them or took mixed Portuguese women as spouses. Mixed

Portuguese sub-groups in the middling scale of status or which were marginalized to

some extent had some chance of preserving the traits in language and religion because

the transitions over the 18th to 19th century forced them to huddle closer. This, in

addition to the increasing degree of religious freedom (beyond the initial period) granted

by the colonial authorities, permitted Portuguese/mixed Portuguese to revive their faith.

In terms of the identities assumed and their associated traits, Havik and Newitt (2015)

have reminded readers to better appreciate the process of creolization and syncretism

when perceiving creole communities as these evolved a path of distinctive (if complex)

rather than a amalgamated diluted culture(s) (Havik and Newitt, 2015). Indeed, other

Europeans (other than Dutch and English, French and even Germans) were arriving and

contributing to the diversity in the European/mixed European community Melaka by 1825

(Lim and Jorge, 2006: 230). The language appeared to be preserved but saw increased

English (and probably native) ‘interference’ in its usage (Arkib Negara, Melaka, church

books, church meeting 19 April 1820, church meeting 7 June 1820). There was also

possible intermingling in marriage union between mixed Portuguese/Eurasian sub-

community with other (for instance, Chinese/Peranakan) sub-communities; seen in

mutual borrowing of words in the Kristang and Peranakan languages as well as costume

in womenfolk in the community (see table 4 in Appendices). Beyond this, there was

relatively little evidence for dressing (apart from sporadic references to Portuguese/mix

Portuguese dressing in India or British/European dressing in Penang) (see pictures 2 and

3 in Appendices).

The diversity and complexity in the identities of Portuguese/mixed Portuguese was

demonstrated further from the varied case studies of sub-groups which travelled and/or

eventually resided in Singapore. From M. Teixeira’s survey of the tombstones at fort

Canning, a number of observations can be made (see also diagram 3 in Appendices).

There were families, such as the Almeida and Silva (see Appendices), which came from

Macau to Singapore. Members from the Almeida family congregated around the second

generation before and in the immediate period after Singapore’s founding. The Macanese

continued to migrate to Singapore up to the 1860s. There were Portuguese and/or mixed

Portuguese personages such as the Jeremias who were engaged in the informal economy

Further discussion with Dennis De Witt affirmed that in the olden days, Eurasians lived in Kampung Serani

and it was located within the fortified old town of Malacca. There were also Eurasians living at Tranquerah,

outside the town ramparts. During British times, the main concentration of Eurasians was at Tranquerah in

the north and at Banda Hilir in the south. There were also smaller groups of Eurasians living around just

outside the town, such as at Bukit Cina, Bungaraya and Pengkalan Rama. See map of Malacca and environs

AMH-6618-NA, Wikimedia commons. https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:AMH-6618-

NA_Map_of_Malacca_and_environs.jpg.

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Melaka-Singapore Region, 1780-1840

Teddy YH Sim and Dennis De Witt

(illicit trade from Diamond harbor) and shifted to areas that were not fully controlled by

the colonial powers (such as Kedah and Ambon) as the British increased their presence

in the Bay of Bengal after 1760 and encroached on the coasts of Burma in the early

1800s (Subrahmanyam, 2012). There were also Portuguese who came from Brazil such

as the Farrão. The liberalization of trade by the Portuguese Crown in the 18th century

prohibiting trade exchanges between Brazil and the Indian Ocean as well as

developments of the north American hemisphere not only brought more Americans to

the East but also some Portuguese from there (Brazil became independent in 1822). They

traded in the East Indies and Indochina especially in the newly erected colonies such as

Penang where the priests also partook in local politics (Blusse, 2008). The

Portuguese/mixed Portuguese also followed the British to newly established settlements

and ports. There were, for instance, the Reutens (marriage with Pinto family who was

appointed to pirate-enforcing duties), who came from Penang to Singapore (Texeira,

1963: 321-22)

; the Leicesters (for instance, Edward Banaby Leicester arriving in

Singapore in 1827), who came from Bencoolen and Penang; as well as the Rodrigues and

Velges who came from Melaka. Portuguese persons and families (such as Jeremias,

Farrão, Reutens, Leicesters) who were affiliated more intently with the European stock

transited from Penang to Singapore and/or were involved in a variety of mercantile,

ecclesiastical, security activities. From the letters of Pope, traders of the Portuguese,

Armenian as well as a host and overlap of these and other ethnic origins, who were

operating from Calcutta (and Madras), relied on a ‘special’ relationship with the British

traded legitimately or illegitimately across the eastern Indian ocean with settlements in

the East Indies (Bulley, 1992: 25 and 40).

Havik and Newitt’s (2015) urging for a more nuanced appreciation of creolization evolving

a path of distinctive, complex and multifaceted culture should take on a stronger

argument in this essay. The degree of (further) miscegenation between early Eurasians

and individuals of indigenous ethnic or diverse European origins was even more

highlighted in Singapore. In this respect, one should not forget the Sephardic Portuguese,

who although not part of mainstream Portuguese, should perhaps be considered to be

part of the, if eclectic, Portuguese diasporic out-groups. In the colonies, many New

Christians, assuming they were converted, moved to the New World, with a fair number

going to the East (Eastern Sephardim). With the Inquisition conducted periodically (also)

in the East (especially in Goa and Melaka), the drive to reform the colonized communities

attained a certain degree of intensity (for instance, undertaken by Jesuit priest Francis

Xavier). It is here that the continuity of the (Portuguese) Jewish community between the

era of Portuguese Melaka and post-1641 Melaka was most fragmented. Although the

website of the ‘Singapore Jews’ indicated the ‘first Jews were of Baghdadi origins [and

they were large enough to form a synagogue’, another ‘(virtual) Jewish world’ website

credited the same group as being from Sephardic origins (Fernando, 2004; Bieder and

Lau, 2007).

Regardless of their origins, the overlapping traits that this sub-group had

Teixeira highlighted 2 instances of the Pinto (Painter), who were affiliated with the Reutens, themselves

involved in appointment(s) in the marine service, leading schooners against pirates in the Straits of Melaka.

Refer also to websites Singapore Jews (http://singaporejews.com) on the Jews in Singapore. The Jews

were only classified in the (Newbold and Braddell) census from 1830. Fernando pointed out that a regular

visitor to the port of Melaka by the name of ‘Issac Abraham’ was identified as a ‘black’ and ‘burgher’ at

different times; there was some likelihood that he was also of Sephardic origins.

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Trade, Ethnic Diversity and Assimilation in The Portuguese-Creole Community in the

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Teddy YH Sim and Dennis De Witt

with the Portuguese creole community included language (early modern form of

Portuguese) and religion (New Christian conversion). The creole Portuguese (Kristang)

in Melaka bore resemblance to early modern Portuguese. New Christian Sephardim who

did not revert to Judaism was likely to follow the other mixed-race to embrace the

Reformed Church in the East Indies.

Apart from the argument on diversity, the economic function(s) undertaken by the group

was a key indicator of the community preserving or divesting with a cultural/social trait.

In the context of the accelerated commercial developments in Singapore at the beginning

of the 19th century, Portuguese/mixed Portuguese who possessed some wealth and

enterprising spirit ventured to set-up business proprietorships in the town. Highlighting

the case study of the Velges, other than helming prestigious posts in Melaka, one of the

children of Abraham António Velge, Jan Hendrik Velge (also known as John Henry Velge)

was skipper of a private ship and worked as a warehouse keeper in Riau between 1824

and 1826. He married in Semarang (Indonesia) in 1830. John Henry Velge founded the

firm ‘Velge Brothers’ in Singapore. He also acted for the Portuguese Mission Church as

an agent for their properties in Singapore. The firm in Singapore found itself in trouble

and went into insolvency; bankrupting John Henry in the process (Christiaans, 1818-

1825; Geneanet; Geni). In his position as lay administrator for the Portuguese Mission,

he became the center of attention as accusations of fraud, mismanagement and slander

were brought against him. It was said that John Henry, who lived in a big house at Beach

Road, was good friends with Dr. Jose d'Almeida from Macau, who also lived at Beach

Road (see diagram 2 in Appendices). Both their homes were the center of Singapore's

social scene with frequent social gatherings and dances. John Henry returned to Melaka

and retired there in the latter years. John Henry’s friend, Jose d'Almeida, who was a

medical doctor on a Portuguese warship, took a decision to settle in Singapore while

sailing through the region. Jose initially set-up a dispensary in Singapore and after a bout

of agency work, he went on to set up a trading firm, Jose d’Almeida & Co., in 1825 which

was renamed Jose d'Almeida & Son when his son joined the company. By the time Jose

d’Almeida died in 1850, the company had grown to become one of the largest and most

respected firms in the settlement (Ong, 2019). The Velge and Almeida families

represented the sub-strata in the newly-formed straits society that would be most aligned

with the new (British) colonizer in Singapore. Of particular interest, the Velges provided

service to the Portuguese Mission, then nominally under the Diocese of Melaka which was

either vacated or supervised by the Holy See. It might be noted from the sideline that

mixed Portuguese in Singapore were likely to attend, apart from the Catholic churches,

the other congregations such as the St. Andrew Cathedral (which was Anglican in

affiliation) (Lim and Neo, 2021)

. The Almeida represented a facet of the very limited

(fresh) injection of ‘Portuguese-ness’ in the region. They, together with the Velges, were

conceived more along the economic line of division (even) in early Singapore rather than

along lines of cultural traits. In any case, mixed Portuguese ladies who were married to

Dutch officials in Melaka appeared, according to a contemporary account, might continue

Portuguese priest Francisco da Silva Pinto e Maia who arrived in 1825 conducted mass in a friend’s house

until the construction of a chapel on Beach road in 1833. The Cathedral of good shepherd (Singapore) was

founded in 1832. In the later period, the St. Joseph church appeared to serve the religious needs of the

Eurasian community while the Cathedral of good shepherd served the needs of the European community-

at-large. See ‘St. Joseph church’ and ‘St. Andrews cathedral’ hosted by Singapore Infopedia.

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Trade, Ethnic Diversity and Assimilation in The Portuguese-Creole Community in the

Melaka-Singapore Region, 1780-1840

Teddy YH Sim and Dennis De Witt

to face a certain degree of discrimination in the 18th – early 19th century (Hussein, 2007:

280)

Examining the limited statistics for the period after 1824-30 in the Appendices, the influx

of the Portuguese/mixed (Eurasian) sub-groups were noted to fluctuate between 2 to

over 70 per cent (see table 3 in Appendices). The magnitude of the shifts, which appeared

considerable, was limited in absolute figures; compared to more substantial changes in

numbers that the Chinese community experienced. Summing-up on the relatively diverse

sub-communities surveyed in Singapore, the sub-groups did trace from very different

backgrounds; which came from the Straits Settlements, Malaya and the larger

archipelago, as well as from regions farther away such as India and Brazil. Considerations

could even be made for sub-groups which overlapped with other minority sub-groups,

such as the Jews and the Armenians. Early Portuguese/Eurasian pioneers from the

Almeida and Velge families, riding the wave of economic boom in Singapore as well as

acting as agents for the Portuguese Mission (religious establishment), helped sustain the

traits of the mixed-race community although there were also greater propensities for the

sub-groups on the island to miscegenate as well as devolve into sub-stratums of the

colonial society. Specifically, the language was likely to be more miscegenated in

Singapore, compared to developments in Melaka, given a more diverse and mixed

pattern of lineage evolving there. Second, the religion also appeared to be preserved in

the community to some extent, witnessed by the chapel (St. Joseph) set-up along Beach

road although Portuguese/mixed Portuguese were more susceptible to the different

Christian traditions as they became English-speaking towards mid-(19th)century.

Accounting for the evolved pattern/traits of communities in region-of-

study

The previous section has shown the diversity that was existing in the Portuguese / mixed

Portuguese sub-communities in the Singapore-Melaka region. The different sub-groups

were involved in the different loci of (economic) activities although (only) the activities

that were linked with the colonial hegemonies in governance were relatively more

evident. This section will extend the inquiry of the economic paradigm to look at the

larger environment of trade and the political economy of the Dutch and the British in the

Singapore-Melaka region to see how these had affected the evolution and trajectories of

the Portuguese / mixed Portuguese sub-communities in the region during the transition

from the 18th to 19th century. Other than the economic factor, the paper will also discuss

‘religion’ in context of the Dutch and British colonial policies as this input has always

loomed large in Portuguese historical studies. Re-connecting to Chivallon’s (2008)

typology, if Andaya’s approach is focused on the outcome (or product/traits), this section

of the paper can focus more on the ‘process’ to account for the interjecting forces and

factors that molded the sub-communities under research.

A certain engineer captain Walter C. Lennon stated in his account and journal that the Governor of Melaka

(1788-95) might not have been offered the government house as evidence probably because of his wife

who was likely to be a Portuguese-Eurasian. Although she had not been out of Melaka, she appeared, to

Lennon, to be affable, well-dressed and -bred. It might be noted further, although not stated in Hussein’s

Trade and society in the straits of Melaka, that the governor's wife was actually the natural sister of Adriaan

Koek.

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Teddy YH Sim and Dennis De Witt

Survey studies have pegged the Portuguese diasporic figures to be not more than 10,000

across the four centuries (before 20th century) of the Portuguese abroad. The numbers

might have fluctuated in the different centuries although the proportion leaving for Asia

dwindled from the 17th century (Boxer, 1970). Up till the 17th century, prestigious nobility

and second- or later-born from nobility families continued to be dispatched to the East

to take-up functionary roles in the Estado da Índia ((Portuguese) State of India). With

the fall of Melaka (in Southeast Asia) in 1641, sub-groups could be detected flowing out

to Macau, mainland Southeast Asia (specifically Ayuthaya) as well as to the Archipelagic

islands (such as Benjamasin in Borneo and Makassar in Celebes). Portuguese who

remained in Asia ‘married’ (casavam/casado) and consolidated their resources/positions

in settlements still governed by the Portuguese (such as Macau) (Subrahmanyam, 2012;

Clarence-Smith, 1985). Those who settled in or moved about between places not under

Portuguese control became more adaptable and enterprising although without the

support of raw/coercive power, they were generally weaker in their interactions with

fellow European or indigenous powers (Sim, 2014). Remnant mixed Portuguese traders,

who were indigenized (/assimilated) to some extent and could field a variety of identities,

served in the function of the intra-regional (Southeast Asia) petty traders. The trade

between the Bay of Bengal and the coast of China was a brisk one for half a century

between 1780-1830. This commerce was partaken by European, indigenous and creole

traders. Portuguese and English competition for the opium trade during the period under

discussion is fairly obvious in the documents of the archives. There was, for instance, the

Rosa family which featured family members as participants in the Straits of Melaka in

legitimate and illegitimate trade. Letters from a naturalized Portuguese Armenian also

revealed that (remote branches of) the Rosa family continued to be involved as business

associates in the Asian trade (AHU cx. 20 no. 33; cx. 30 no. 74; cx. 46 no. 1; AM, serie

III 04-01; serie III 26-01)

. In the 1780s-90s, Melaka was “still an important port”

(Hussein, 2007: 35). The Portuguese group still registered a compatible number of

arrivals with the English in the 1760s (13 vs 17) but began to pale from the competition

from 1770 (20 vs 40) but managed to increase its activities up till 1785 registering 36

vessels (a number comparable to that managed by the burghers at 37) (see table 1 in

Appendices) (Bulley, 1992: 90). Trade revolving around Melaka was largely based on

intra-Southeast Asia exchanges although through the end of the 18th century and the

beginning of the 19th century, the port’s trade was diminishing in volume, vis-à-vis a

rising Penang and later, an even more rapidly ascending Singapore.

As more studies on globalization in historical time scale emerged, the issue(s) of whether

the activities of colonial powers constituted as the dominant force or merely a subset of

larger forces-at-work was also located at the center of discussion. A 2019 (re-)edition of

a work on the British empire and century for instance made distinction between

imperialism (empire) and globalization (Parsons, 2019). A feature of globalization,

regardless of the propagating push or pull factors, was the increasing migration,

movement and miscegenation of people in the (final phase of the) early modern period.

Tracing the increased British activities from the Bay of Bengal to Singapore (the most

southern point of the Asian continent) in the transition from the 18th to 19th centuries –

A number of members in the Rosa family in the generation of the 1780-1820 were preoccupied with

vocations such as in the military and charity house (misericordia). The links of the Rosas to the Armenian

Matheus Joannes can be located in his outstanding obligations.

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Teddy YH Sim and Dennis De Witt

seen in their annexation of Calcutta, the intervention in Burma, the setting-up of Straits

Settlements – a host of people, including the Portuguese, trailed the British in places that

witnessed their intervention. In Melaka for instance, part of this flow of people might be

related to British-induced policies that encouraged certain ethnic sub-groups (for

instance, Chinese laborers) to follow their ventures in the region, the other sub-groups

(such as petty traders) were likely to be part of the indigenous and/or generic regional

network and traffic (Rappa, 2013: 87 and 197-220)

Owing to the hostile nature of the takeover in 1641, the immediate measures undertaken

by the Dutch attempted to suppress and regulate the remnant mixed Portuguese in the

settlement of Melaka; these measures were relaxed gradually afterwards in the 150 years

that followed. Although British measures in Melaka were not as harsh, they hoped to

impress on the inhabitants that new colonizers had taken over the town. Both the Dutch

and British utilized the mixed Portuguese communities to some extent although sub-

groups which could not engage the needs of the new authorities became marginalized

(Turnbull, 1983). In Archipelagic Southeast Asia, the manipulation of the religion

appeared to be ‘more obvious’ in the Dutch compared to the British colonial measures.

Although creolized Portuguese-at-large were supposed to have assimilated to some

extent, this evolved along the paths of an upper and lower classes in the port-settlements

(of Melaka and Singapore). The Dutch had at various points attempted to influence the

traits and customs of this mixed-race class. With the group that had seeped into some

degree of marginalized profession and poverty, there was some aversion to

indigenization. Meanwhile, the upper class strove to draw nearer to the reigning (Dutch

or English) colonial culture. Hence, being in the upper or lower classes could lead to

erosion of the identified Portuguese traits. The woman folk in the creole-affiliated

families, apart from religion and festivals, were most likely to contribute to the day-to-

day maintenance of creole customs.

How unique was the British colonial model compared to the Dutch? While comparative

works may be available to compare the Dutch and British (early) imperialism, this is not

always undertaken with enough specificity in relation to the contexts of Southeast Asia

or (minority) sub-groups under rule in the colonies. Dutch style of administration and

rule in Melaka took the approach of the council-kapitan system. Extending from the

Portuguese period, the areas organized prior (Banda Hilir, Tranquerah etc.) were

inherited to some extent in the Dutch period although according to N. Hussein, the ward

for the Portuguese/mixed Portuguese did not have its superintendent until 1780 probably

because “they were a weaker sub-community” (Hussein, 2007: 200 and 202). The

general picture of weakness was not consistent across different parts of the settlement.

In the sub-district of the town (Herenstraat), there was Portuguese-European

(Quintiliano de Graca) presiding presumably over the European / Eurasian area aside

from the Dutch-burgher (Joost Keok) and Chinese captains. A relatively limited tax was

imposed on the Portuguese/mixed Portuguese compared to the Chinese or

Malays/Kelings (Hussein, 2007: 214). Elsewhere in the suburbs of Melaka, the Malays

and Portuguese/mixed Portuguese were also portrayed to inhabit in greater numbers

compared to the Chinese and Dutch. The Dutch appeared to rely on the Eurasians to fill

The mixed Portuguese in Melaka married with (free) Dutch burghers to some extent. The mixed

Portuguese were not always Catholics and ‘their dance’ was not always embraced by the other sub-groups.

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Trade, Ethnic Diversity and Assimilation in The Portuguese-Creole Community in the

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Teddy YH Sim and Dennis De Witt

the middle and lower ranking posts in the colonial administration. They were also

“employed as night watchmen, a position of some importance with regards to the security

of the fortress”. The Dutch had gradually focused their trade and economic focus in

Batavia even before their conquest of Melaka in 1641. The impact was that Melaka

became “lifeless and [dull]” with “[its] streets deserted, houses abandoned and shops

shut” over the long haul from the 17th century to 1822 (De Witt, 2008: 84).

The British approach (after 1824) by contrast hoped to ‘broaden’ jurisdiction to a wider

group of representatives (including appointing pengulus in the countryside). Melaka,

Penang and Singapore were raised briefly to the status of the Presidency between 1826-

30 (before reverting to a Residency). Cross-referencing developments in the other Straits

Settlements (Penang and Singapore) and across time (to the 1860-80s), the continued

limitations (port and suburb agricultural lands) faced by Melaka relegated the port-town

to a ‘mediocre’ status. The implication of this was – although the British (also) favored

Eurasians in the nascent British colonial civil service, members of the sub-communities

faced limited opportunities for progression (notwithstanding the ability of the group to

adapt); this was verified by the fact that plans for reviving or expanding the

administration and security of the town was shelved time and again (Turnbull, 1983:

262). Hence, the Portuguese/mixed Portuguese in the town of Melaka huddled amongst

themselves and grew steadily from the 18th to 19th century (compared to the other

ethnic sub-groups). Also, as discussed in the earlier section, the volume of migrants

moving from Melaka to Singapore appeared to be a limited stream, rather than an

exodus.

During the take-over of Melaka in 1641, the highly capitalistic VOC had the economic and

pragmatic concerns of the conquered settlement at the center of their attention. Hence,

the language and religious policies erected were reasonably ‘generous’ towards the

remnant Portuguese/mixed Portuguese communities in the city. It should also be noted

that the tolerant language policy was to serve the agenda of the Dutch Reformed clergy

as well (who were to preach the new religion in a familiar language). Although the

Catholics in Melaka did not take-up the Dutch proposal to surrender, no punitive measure

was undertaken against them although some (religious) restrictions were embedded in

their execution (Borschberg, 2010)

. Amongst the diasporas that fled the city, the

bishops of Melaka went over to Timor (an adjunct of Macau) with the last appointee

affirmed by the Portuguese metropole government and the Holy See in 1783. Arising

from the cooperation occurring between Portugal and Holland during the War of Spanish

Succession, the Dutch permitted the grant of a piece of land (from a convert) for the St.

Peter’s church to be built in 1710 and the Archdiocese ‘delegated the Catholics [there] to

the Vicar of the church’ (Teixeira, 1963: 7-8). In the long interval of the Dutch rule, it

was understood that the (remaining) Catholic clergy were reluctant to turn “their

allegiance to the Dutch because of the conflict of interest that such an oath would

inevitably entail” although a priest (Father Manuel Teixeira) was “always stationed in

Melaka, who came from Macau or Goa to attend to the spiritual needs of the faithful”

The practical consideration was – the church and monasteries of Melaka possessed “buildings, orchards,

estates (including real estate in urban areas) as well as ecclesiastical treasures”. The Dutch appeared to

have a much more ‘liberal’ policy towards religion, as reported by a special commissioner who provided

alternative inputs to the management of Melaka after its conquest (in 1641).

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Trade, Ethnic Diversity and Assimilation in The Portuguese-Creole Community in the

Melaka-Singapore Region, 1780-1840

Teddy YH Sim and Dennis De Witt

(Borschberg, 2010: 113; Teixeira, 1963: 7). Overall, the part of the population who

intermarried or drew closer to the Dutch lost ‘a little more’ of their traits. Although Dutch

policies became more benign over time, the sidelining of Melaka (in the Dutch and British

periods) ironically limited opportunities for development for the mixed Portuguese group

in the town. The British interregnum in Melaka by contrast appeared to make a more

obvious distinction between the different (secular versus religious) spheres of jurisdiction

and tended to rely on missionary activities advocating for an educational agenda in

swaying its subject populace. Whether in Melaka or Singapore, converting to the religion

of the new colonial authorities could serve as an alternative to survival, even if the move

compromised aspects of the traits of the community. There appeared to be a certain

degree of desire to retain their faith in Melaka relative to Singapore in the periods of

transition.

Towards the end of the century (1890s), both the Portuguese/mixed Portuguese

communities in Melaka and Singapore were revived, albeit to a different extent in both

places. The precursor of the state of the communities could be found in the early part of

the (19th) century where the diversity and traditional characteristics were manifested

simultaneously in the sub-groups individually in each place. By the late 19th century, on

top of being engaged in business, Portuguese/mixed Portuguese (or Eurasian) sub-

groups began to fill many intermediate and more specialized posts in the British colonial

civil service (formed from mid-century) and associated professional positions that arose

(for instance, teachers, doctors, nurses). In Singapore, although the upper echelons of

the Eurasian population were blooming (approximating to what M. Braga-Blake hailed as

‘a golden age’), those located down the scale continued and managed to preserve aspects

of their traits. Nevertheless, differentiations continued to exist in the communities in

Melaka and Singapore. Linking-up with Andaya’s observation that there was a shift in the

preference in the type of slaves (which eventually led to the diminution of the mixed

Portuguese traits and culture in the Dutch East Indies), the impetus of the British in the

disuse of slaves in this part of Southeast Asia impacted on the characteristics of the

communities further. The British declaration of the abolition of slavery was made in 1834,

there had been, in the meantime, an aversion to (any form) of slavery practiced by the

indigenous rulers in the British-native encounters

. The instance of the Naning revolt

(1831 - 1832) was at least connected in part to the reaction to the eradication (without

compensation) of the bond- and debt-slavery that transpired as part of local custom and

life. Although the slaves constituted a ‘sizeable’ part of the mixed Portuguese community,

the abolition of the custom seemed to have a relatively benign effect in Melaka or even

Batavia (Kehoe, 2015; Choudhury, 2014). The ample room for business and trade as well

as the relatively liberal atmosphere in the Melaka-Singapore region permitted the

different mixed Portuguese sub-groups to survive better. By contrast, the Tugu and

associated sub-groups in the lower strata did not fare as well in the Dutch colonial areas

(Daus, 1989; Pereira, 2015). While diversity undergirded both British settlements, the

availability of opportunities and the propensity for change was much greater in Singapore

compared to Melaka arising from more rapid developments in the former.

On 6 December 1819, being the birthday of the then crown prince, and future king William II of the

Netherlands, Jan S. Timmerman Thyssen (Dutch Governor of Malacca 1818-1822) made a speech

announcing plans for the abolition of slavery in the colony of Malacca. Clearly, plans to abolish slavery had

begun earlier - before the British takeover.

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Trade, Ethnic Diversity and Assimilation in The Portuguese-Creole Community in the

Melaka-Singapore Region, 1780-1840

Teddy YH Sim and Dennis De Witt

Some conclusions

The story of the Portuguese/mixed and Portuguese/Eurasian community in Singapore

and Malaysia saw an increasing voice (albeit in different intensity) on both sides of the

border to assert their identities. While the theories and modellings of mixed race and

related studies for contemporary society have made great strides in progress, similar

paradigms are not always been applied to the study of communities in history. Past

paradigm (involving theory of tribe) has been applied to the study of the

Portuguese/mixed Portuguese communities in Southeast Asia, such as by L. Andaya,

focuses to some extent on the attributes (traits/outcome) of the community. This paper

induces a few perspectives about the Portuguese/mixed Portuguese communities in the

Singapore-Melaka region which showed them to locate themselves in more than one

strata of society. At the extreme, certain sub-groups could even hold more than one

identity. With the sub-group affiliated with the Dutch, which was most well-supported in

evidence, the traits were maintained implicitly and explicitly in the families through the

women married into them as well as the posts held under the Dutch cum indigenous

colonial administration. With the transition into the British era, Portuguese/mixed

Portuguese sub-communities embraced Anglicized influence in Melaka and Singapore

while the lower sub-groups were very likely indigenized further. The political economy of

the Dutch (and British) activities in the East Indies impacted directly to mold the traits

and behaviors of the Portuguese/mixed Portuguese sub-communities; influencing at

times to some extent on the faith and religious aspect of these sub-communities. The

formative influences of the 1780-1840 that the Dutch and British colonial authorities left

behind set the tone of the development of these sub-communities in the next hundred

years or so. Perhaps the conditions affecting the sub-community to keep or discard

certain cultural practices may be (crudely) encapsulated by a mixed Portuguese

(Kristang) saying “Cuma galinya kereh pusah obu. Ngka sabeh ki kereh pegah, ki kereh

lagah” (Portuguese - Como uma galinha que quer botar ovas. Não sei o que quer segurar,

ou o que quer deixar ir) (Marbeck, 2004: 71).

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Trade, Ethnic Diversity and Assimilation in The Portuguese-Creole Community in the

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Teddy YH Sim and Dennis De Witt

Appendices

Table 1 - Ship arrivals to Melaka in designated years

Nationality

1761

1785

Malay

242

Chinese

170

Dutch

Burgher

English

Portuguese

Source: Table adapted from Fernando, R. & Reid, A. (1996), Shipping on Melaka and Singapore

as an index of growth, 1760-1840. South Asia, vol. XIX, p. 70 (table 3).

Table 2 - Population of the town of Melaka 17th and 18th centuries

Year

Portuguese-Eurasian

(including European)

Malay

Chinese

Total population

1675

1463

597

160

5324

1766

1668

3135

1390

7216

1817

1667

13988

1006

19647

1826

2236

16121

4125

28447

1829

500

1900

3900

7200

Source: Hussein, N. (2007). Trade and society in the Straits of Melaka, 1780-1830. Nordic Institute

of Asian Studies, pp. 164, 166 and 176.

Table 3 - Population of Singapore 1824-30

Year

Europeans

Native Christians

Indo-Britons

Total population

1824

10683

1825

132

11851

1826

111

206

12907

1827

188

13725

1828

108

193

14885

1829

122

272

17664

1830

345

16634

Source: R.S. Braddell, et al. (1991). One hundred years of Singapore, vol. 1. OUP, pp. 355-56.

Table 4 - Borrowing between Baba and Kristang words

S/N0

Baba Malay

Kristang

Portuguese

English

Gereja

Greza

Igreja

Church

Minggu

Dominggu

Domingo

Sunday

Pesta

Festa

Celebration

Sekolah

Skola

Escola

School

Tempu

Tempo

Time

Oloji

Olozi

Relógio

Clock

Almari

Armário

Cupboard

Buyong

Boião

Pot

Garfu

Garfo

Fork

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Meja

Mesa

Table

Sabun

Sabang

Sabão

Soap

Bolu

Bolo

Cake

Tempra

Tempero

Gravy

Pau

Pang

Pão

Bread

Kobis

Couve

Cabbage

Source: Peranakan Association Singapore (2006). Being Baba: Selected articles from the

Peranakan magazine, Epigram.

Diagram 1 - Lineage of Souza family

Source: Information consolidated from Teixeira, M. (1963). The Portuguese missions in Malacca

and Singapore. Agencia Geral do Ultramar, pp. 287-305.

Diagram 2 - Lineage of Almeida family

Source: Information consolidated from Teixeira M. (1963). The Portuguese missions in Malacca

and Singapore. Agência Geral do Ultramar, pp. 249-84.

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Diagram 3 - Deceased in grave slabs in Fort Canning cemetery

Information consolidated from Teixeira, M. (1693). The Portuguese missions in Malacca and

Singapore. Agência Geral do Ultramar, pp. 285-412; original: Padshanama, Hughli (1632).

Picture 1 - Dressing of Eurasian mercenary in (mainland) Southeast Asia

Source: Halikowski-Smith, S. (2011). Creolization and diaspora in the Portuguese Indies (Leiden:

Brill, 2011), p. 242; original: Ananda ok-Kyaung, Bagan (1785).

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Picture 2 - Dressing of Portuguese / mixed Portuguese in Bengal (India)

Source: Halikowski-Smith, S. (2011). Creolization and diaspora in the Portuguese Indies. Brill,

2011), p. 232; original: Padshanama fol. 32.

Picture 3 - Dressing of British / Europeans in Georgetown (Penang)

Source: Tate, D.J. (1989). Straits Affairs: The Malay world and Singapore. John Nicholson Ltd., p.

43.

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Teddy YH Sim and Dennis De Witt

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