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NOTES AND REFLECTIONS
NATO, CLIMATE CHANGE AND SECURITY:
THE ARCTIC MISSING IN MADRID STRATEGIC CONCEPT 2022
CÉLINE RODRIGUES
celineceli@hotmail.com
Oficial do Exército na disponibilidade (Portugal), experiência me várias empresas portuguesas
como International Relations. Mestrado em Relações Internacionais e Diplomacia - especializão
em diplomacia Política na Universidade Portucalense com dissertação Human Security of Inuit
and Sámi in Canada and Finland: comparing Arctic policies. Supervisão Porf. stefan Kirchner do
Arctic Center, Universty of Lapland, Finlândia e Prof. André Matos, Universidade Portucalense.
Atualmente aluna de Doutoramento em Relações Internacionais - Especialização Globalização e
Ambiente na Universidade Nova de Lisboa. Participão em conferências, IDN Jovem 2021, aulas
abertas e publicações. Bilingue Francês-Português e fluente em inglês e espanhol (licenciatura
em Francês-Inglês e mestrado em Espanhol). Pretendo seguir carreira na investigação
Climate change and security are two topics that are advancing in importance and
relevance in International Relations studies in the 21
st
century. Anthropocene activities
are confirmed by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) 2014 AR5
1
as
the main factor for what we are witnessing in the first quarter of this century. Ecosystems,
of which humans are part of, are being destroyed around the world downgrading human
living conditions, rising ocean waters and leading to scarcity of resources. In what
concerns the Arctic region, it is the first place to suffer from those changes, being
considered the bell for the rest of the world. The Arctic is warming four times faster
2
than
the rest of the world and this proven scientific fact challenges security and how it is
perceived and understood nowadays. With climate change comes scarcity of resources
and competition in a region that has been an example of cooperation and peace as
expressed and whished by Gorbachev in 1987 in Murmansk
3
. The Arctic region is back,
and tensions and conflicts too. The security of people, indigenous and non-indigenous, is
central. This brings something new to security, labelled as nontraditional security.
1
IPCC. (2014). AR5. Climate Change 2014 Synthesis Report Summary for Policymakers.
https://www.ipcc.ch/site/assets/uploads/2018/05/SYR_AR5_FINAL_full_wcover.pdf
2
World Economic Forum. (2022). The Arctic is warming nearly four times faster than the rest of the world.
How concerned should we be? https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2022/08/arctic-warming-four-times-
faster-than-world/
3
Gorbachev, M. (1987, October 1). Mikhail Gorbachev's Speech in Murmansk at the Ceremonial Meeting on
the Occasion of the Presentation of the Order of Lenin and the Gold Star to the City of Murmansk.
https://www.barentsinfo.fi/docs/Gorbachev_speech.pdf
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NATO, climate change and security: the Arctic missing in Madrid Strategic Concept
Céline Rodrigues
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In the topic of climate change, the Alliance expects to take the lead in understanding
and adapting to the impact of climate change on security” as mentioned in the report
NATO and Climate Change: A Climatized Perspective on Security (Rico, 2022, p.1). Shall
it be remembered that climate change is considered a threat by the United Nations since
2009 (A/64/350, 2009, p. 6)
4
. Over the 70 years of existence, the Washington Treaty
1949, has been challenged to adapt to new contexts and threats. Though, it seems that
the NATO, that came back to life and got out of the “brain-death” (using Emmanuel
Macron´s expression in 2019
5
) state with the War in Ukraine that started in 24 February
2022, is still pretty much in sight of traditional security.
After the Second World War, the Washington Treaty 1949 is signed by twelve countries
(Belgium, Canada, Denmark, France, Iceland, Italy, Luxembourg, the Netherlands,
Norway, Portugal, the United Kingdom, and the United States) known as North Atlantic
Treaty Organization (NATO) with the goal of defending its members against the Soviet
Union
6
. A security community, in the lens of Karl Deutsch, created by allies that seemed
to have the same values and committed to keep and maintain democracy and the rule of
law; what would allow to work in a collective way for defence and security through
dialogue and cooperation with a specific objective: to live in peace. The world has been
changing since its inception, compelling the organisation to adapt and review constantly
its strategies and actions. This fact is considered as the legacy, success and longevity of
the Alliance (NATO 2030, 2020, p. 7). As such, the organisation is still the unique and
essential transatlantic forum for consultations on issues such as territorial integrity,
political independence and security of its members. A relevant note here is that climate
change does not care about territory and borders. Only by looking at it as a security issue
can actions be taken and the regions more affected, as the Arctic, will be a priority.
In order to better analyse the presence of the Arctic region in the Madrid Strategic
Concept 2022 and NATO´s adaptation to climate change, it makes sense to frame this
paper within the Green Political Theory which has been evolving since the 1960s. This
theory can also be aligned with the Copenhagen school (1985). In that sense, the author
John Barry indicates in his chapter, entitled “Green political theory”, (2014) three
moments, or waves, in the evolution of the term green political theory: i) the first wave
begins in the 1990´s by identifying “ecologism” as an ideology and green political theory
as a “distinctive approach”; ii) the second one is the period of the development of other
schools of thought (such as feminism, liberalism, critical theory) expanded debates
between those schools and green political theory. It is during this wave that Green theory
is recognized within International Relations with the transnationalism question of
problems caused by climate change, as mentioned by Robyn Eckersley (Ari and Gokpinar,
2019, p. 166); iii) the “third generation” of green theory is the more recent generation,
which interdisciplinary is integrated with practical and empirical research of a “range of
4
United Nations. (2009). Climate change and its possible implications: Report of the Secretary-General.
A/64/350. https://digitallibrary.un.org/record/667264
5
France 24. (2019, November 28). France's Macron defends 'brain death' criticism after talks with NATO
chief. France 24. https://www.france24.com/en/20191128-live-france-s-macron-meets-nato-chief-to-
address-brain-death-criticism
6
It is relevant to enhance that “This is only partially true. In fact, the Alliance’s creation was part of a broader
effort to serve three purposes: deterring Soviet expansionism, forbidding the revival of nationalist militarism
in Europe through a strong North American presence on the continent, and encouraging European political
integration. (NATO. (n.d). A Short History of NATO.
https://www.nato.int/cps/en/natohq/declassified_139339.htm)
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Céline Rodrigues
399
disciplines and knowledge outside politics, political science and political theory” (Barry,
2014, p. 4; idem). Scholars have been clarifying the difference between green politics -
who consider that the structure can be challenged - and environmentalists “who accept
the framework and pursue the solution within the structures” (Paterson cited by Ari and
Gokpinar, 2019, p. 167). Consequently, the concept of security, which is also recent in
International Relations, changes its focus, placing the people at the center, as objects
(human security non-traditional security, Padrtova 2020; Shiblee and Rashid, 2021)
leading states to provide them protection (Hossain, 2013). Consequently, the
traditionalist vision is broken when topics such as economic, military, political,
environmental and social are identified as sectors of security according to different
sources of threats (Padrtova 2020, p. 31; Hossain, 2017, p. 6; Waisová, 2003, p. 60).
Buzan, Wœver and De Wilde ´s vision is the basis for UN´s definition of human
security
7
,
8
. Once the object climate change is perceived as a threat, then it becomes a
“security issue only by being labelled as one” (Diskaya cited by Hossain, 2017, p. 6). The
figure 1 below presents the difference between traditionalists”, “deepeners” and
“wideners” where the objects are connected to a category.
Figure 1 - Five Sectors (sources of threats) and different understandings of security
Source: Padrtova, 2020, p. 30
This confirms the link, nexus between climate change and security
9
as mentioned by the
IPCC, WGII (2022).
The development of the analysis is to be done according to the qualitative methodology
which allows an inductive reasoning through observation and analysis of official
7
See: United Nations. United Nations Development Programme (1994). Human Development Report
1994. https://hdr.undp.org/sites/default/files/reports/255/hdr_1994_en_complete_nostats.pdf
8
See: United Nations. Commission on Human Security. (2003). Human security now: protecting and
empowering people. Commission on Human Security. https://digitallibrary.un.org/record/503749
9
The author of the Belfer report presents a different theory called climatization, climatized perspective on
security. See: Rico, L.G. (2022). NATO and Climate Change: A Climatized Perspective on Security. Belfer
Center for Science and International Affairs. Harvard Kennedy School.
https://www.belfercenter.org/publication/nato-and-climate-change-climatized-perspective-security (p. 15)
10
See: NATO (2022). Evolution of NATO Strategy 1949-1999:
https://www.nato.int/nato_static_fl2014/assets/pdf/pdf_2009_07/20090728_strategic_concept.pdf
11
See: NATO (n.d). What is NATO’s Strategic Concept? https://www.nato.int/strategic-concept/
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documents such as NATO Climate Change and Security Action Plan (2021), Madrid
Strategic Concept 2022, Report NATO and Climate Change: A Climatized Perspective on
Security (2022) and The Secretary General´s Report Climate Change & Security Impact
Assessment (2022). The analysis is complemented with reports of rapporteur such as
Jean-Charles Larsonneur (2021).
The development of this issue will be done by dividing the work in two parts: the first
part will give a brief overview of Strategic Concepts (SC) that will give the opportunity to
compare Lisbon Strategic Concept 2010 and Madrid Strategic Concept 2022 which appear
to be opposing. It will be possible to check how the new document addresses climate
change and if recommendations were taken into considerations during the elaboration of
the new document and if they were able to match with Climate Change and Security
Action Plan (2021) so it is not an isolated document. The second part will develop the
ups and downs, attention and forgetfulness in the 20
th
and 21
st
centuries of the Arctic
and how it is perceived within the Alliance. In the conclusion, it will be possible to confirm
that: i)- the Arctic is part of NATO, even if it is not expressed, written in the Strategic
Concept 2022; ii)- the Alliance still needs to adapt to a new context in a mix of traditional
and non-traditional securities linked to the climate change threat.
1. Strategic Concepts
10
: evolution
The Strategic Concept (SC) is considered a key document, having a second place after
the Washington Treaty 1949. It aims to define the Alliance strategy in a military and
political way according to the challenges and threats identified at the moment it is
elaborated. The aim of developing this kind of document is to be prepared for the future
11
.
This kind of document also reinforces the commitment to the principles of individual
liberty, democracy, human rights and the rule of law as well as to the purposes and
principles of the Charter of the United Nations, with the main priority of assuring and
maintaining international peace and security” (Strategic Concept, 2010, p. 6). Meaning
that three core tasks must be fulfilled by all members: collective defence, crisis
management and cooperative security.
The Strategic Concept is reviewed every decade since the end of Cold War
10
. Since its
birth, the Strategic Concepts have been prepared in two historic different moments (the
Cold War and the post-Cold War). 2022 might be categorised as the beginning of a third
moment. From 1949 to 1991, the strategy was mainly categorised by defence and
deterrence, without excluding dialogue and détente in the last two decades of the first
moment. During this period four Strategic Concepts were released with other
complementary such as “Strategic Guidance”, “The Most Effective Pattern of NATO
Military Strength for the Next Few Years” and “Measures to Implement the Strategic
Concept”.
In the second period, the Alliance focused on cooperation and security. The 9/11 terrorist
attacks in 2001 moved attentions to terrorism. During this post-cold war moment, three
10
For more information see: NATO. (2022, July 18). Strategic Concepts.
https://www.nato.int/cps/en/natohq/topics_56626.htm
13
Larsonneur, J-C. (2021, October 9). Security
Challenges on the High North. Report. NATO Parliamentary Assembly. https://www.nato-pa.int/download-
file?filename=/sites/default/files/2021-10/016%20DSCTC%2021%20E%20rev.%202%20fin%20-
%20SECURITY%20HIGH%20NORTH.pdf)
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Strategic concepts were presented in 1991, 1999 and 2010 with complementary texts
such as MC Directive for Military Implementation of the Alliance's Strategic Concept, MC
Guidance for the Military Implementation of the Alliance Strategy and MC Guidance MC
400/3. The Lisbon Strategic Concept turned to be out of context four years after its
presentation due to the annexation of Crimea by Russia. Consequently, the idea of peace
quickly did not apply to the geopolitical context as 2022 demonstrates. The wish of
cooperation with Russia and the absence of China in 2010 is the complete opposite in
time being, and are, in June 2022, are considered main threats in the new document.
Nonetheless, the concept of security has been evolving and has a holistic perspective. It
looks like some results and recommendation, namely report of Jean-Charles Larsonneur
13
were taken into consideration as it is possible to find references to climate change by
acknowledging that armed forces are also affected (number 19, 2022, p. 6) and human
security (number 19, 2022, p. 9) in the Madrid 2022 Strategic concept. But in a very
smooth way of expression.
If China and Russia are named and considered as threats, unfortunately, in what concerns
the Arctic region and its safety and security Buchanan´s observation of lack of reference
to that region in the documents, with only one mention to High North in 2021 Brussels
Summit Communiqué” (cited by Bye, 2021) is sustained in the new document released
in the 8
th
Strategic Concept presented in Madrid 2022. Disappointingly, not even the
Baltic Sea, included in the recommendation d) of NATO 2030 (2020), is mentioned in the
SC 2022
11
, when it is stated that “Maritime security is key to our peace and prosperity”
(number 23, Madrid SC, 2022, p. 7). I add that the Arctic Ocean too is not mentioned.
Though, the document NATO 2030 (2020) in the Proposal number 7 states that climate
change is a defining challenge of our days and has security implications in different
regions included the Arctic.
Climate change and environment security, despite its recognition as potential threat had
occurred in 1969 as mentioned by Causevic, was not officially added and integrated in
the organization agenda until 2010 (2017, pp. 72-73) because it is still perceived at a
national level. Amar Causevic, author of the article “Facing an Unpredictable Threat: Is
NATO Ideally Placed to Manage Climate Change as a Non-Traditional Threat Multiplier?”
also informs that since 2010, much have been done regarding environment security and
the different Secretary Generals have discussed this subject in different moments:
- 2010 with the creation of the Emerging Security Challenges Division (ESCD) to focus
on the emerging security challenges;
- 2013 the Green Defense for more effectiveness and change in use of energy;
- and in 2014 with the Wales declaration and adoption of Resolution 427 on Climate
Change and International Security, at NATO Parliamentary Assembly, to reduce
pollution. This recent introduction of environment security in NATO`s discussion
shows the awareness of linkage between climate change and Arctic within the
organisation as a matter of security and of protection of sovereignty, not only at a
regional level but also at a global level.
11
See: Madrid 2022 Strategic Concept, number 45, p. 11 (NATO. (2022). NATO 2022 Madrid Strategic
Concept. https://www.nato.int/strategic-concept/)
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Unfortunately, the recommendations below were not considered:
l. to bolster NATO’s situational awareness in the Arctic region, including
through greater information sharing, the creation of a working group on
the Arctic, and training and exercises, and to maintain a good dialogue with
Allies about search and rescue capabilities in the region;
m. to fully recognise climate change-related risks as significant threat
multipliers in their foreign and security policies, and increase the frequency
of military and political consultations on climate change within NATO.
(NATO 2030, 2021, p.3)
The Arctic, for some reason, is not identified and gives the idea that it does not exist for
the Alliance. Is the Cold War period a ghost presence within the organisation?
2. The Arctic region
12
within NATO
The Arctic is changing confirming that What happens in the Arctic does not stay in the
Arctic” (2017, Vidar Helgesen
13
). A statement that applies also in security context. The
Arctic area and region had a strategic importance during the Cold War, being highly
militarized at that time. It was the shortest flight area for US and Soviet bombers. After
this period and after the collapse of the USSR, a signal of cooperation approached the
Arctic countries following the idea of a peace and cooperative zone expressed by Mikhail
Gorbachev in 1987 in Murmansk. Gradually, NATO allies have turned their attention into
other regions of the globe. The Arctic was no longer strategic and was forgotten. For the
rapporteur Jean-Charles Larsonneur it was “a genuine desire to make the region one of
peaceful cooperation” (2021, p. 3). According to Abbie Tingstad during the conference
Conceptualizing the Arctic; a Zone of Peace or a Zone of Conflict? held on line on 22
november 2022, the author affirmed that “we are not looking at the same Arctic zone,
there is a growing conflict”
14
.
Though, the 21st century places this region again as an important spot. This time as a
victim of the climate change, done by external anthropogenic activities that are making
the temperature rising four times more in the Arctic comparing to the rest of the world,
as mentioned in the introduction. The changes are visible in numerous different ways in
12
The eight Arctic states (Canada, Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway, Russia, Sweden and United States)
created the AEPS that became in 1996 the Arctic Council (Ottawa Declaration). The Federation of Russia is
the Chair (2021-2023) of the Arctic Council. The Joint Statement of 03
rd
March suspended all activities with
Russia due to the invasion of Ukraine. Additionally, Russia has been excluded from other forums and
meetings since the illegal annexation of Crimea in 2014. (Joint Statement. (2022).
https://www.state.gov/joint-statement-on-arctic-council-cooperation-following-russias-invasion-of-
ukraine/).
13
NATO. (2017). "What happens in the Arctic, does not stay in the Arctic” - climate change in the Arctic will
have global consequences and cannot be ignored. https://www.nato-pa.int/news/what-happens-arctic-
does-not-stay-arctic-climate-change-arcticwill-have-global-consequences
14
Geneva Graduate Institute. (2022), November 22). co-hosted by GGC, CIES & MINT. Conceptualizing the
Arctic; a Zone of Peace or a Zone of Conflict?
https://www.graduateinstitute.ch/communications/events/conceptualizing-arctic-zone-peace-or-
zoneconflict
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NATO, climate change and security: the Arctic missing in Madrid Strategic Concept
Céline Rodrigues
403
the region: melting-ice and warmer currents from the Atlantic Ocean (known as
Atlantification of the Arctic) that affects melting ice, the rise of sea level and, in its turn,
allows navigability that will increase commercial transit (shorter than the Canal Suez,
idem, p.4) and consequently expand economic opportunities with a ride to natural
resources, more fishing and conflicts regarding territorial claims (extension of continental
shelf). This interconnected scenario is placing back the Arctic region as a strategic spot,
where Russia and China (the latter claiming to be an Arctic country). In this first quarter
of the 21st century, both countries have been increasing their investments and research
in the area. In what concerns Russia, the country has been remilitarizing, specifically
since 2007, with the Arktika expedition as the first voyage to the ocean floor at the North
Pole, placing its national flag. The rapporteur JeanCharles Larsonneur highlights the
Arctic Strategy 2035 of Russia, released in 2020, where there is a clear emphasis in the
“necessity of guaranteeing Russia´s sovereignty and territorial integrity” and “the goal
of developing the Northern Sea Route (NSR) as a globally competitive national transport
corridor” (Klimenko, 2020 as cited in idem, p. 11). Confirming the New Perspectives on
Shared Security: NATO’S Next 70 Years (2019) acknowledgment expressed by the author
that “Moscow has built up the military capacity to complicate NATO´s ability to operate
in the Black, Baltic, and North seas as well as in the North Atlantic and the Arctic” (p. 2).
There has been a constant absence in the 70 years of the Alliance of this region on official
documents meanwhile many growing exercises in the Arctic, namely Cold Response in
Norway, the only country in the world with permanent military headquarters North of the
Arctic circle (Brekke, 2022; Coffey and Kochis, 2021) reinforce the military cooperation
between NATO and Arctic states. Finland and Sweden, Partners for Peace and Enhanced
Partnership in Northern Europe (e-PINE, launched in 2003 by United States
15
), closely
participate in NATO´s exercises. The possibility of full NATO membership is a reality since
both applications in May 2022. It is clear that “the Arctic remains a vital strategic region
for Euro-Atlantic security” (Charron, 2020). Due to those facts, it is almost
incomprehensible the Arctic region not expressly written in the official documents over
time. Perhaps with the turning point regarding this region in the United States of America
that presented its National Strategy for the Arctic Region in October 2022
16
, the texts of
official documents might assume, in the future, the Arctic region.
3. Conclusion
Now that, according to Causevic, NATO has “mastered in traditional security” (2017, p.
80), the Alliance needs to accelerate efforts to update climate and Arctic strategies
17
so
15
In this context, “cooperation takes place in three major areas: cooperative security, healthy societies and
vibrant economies” (U.S Department of state. (N.D). Enhanced Partnership in Northern Europe (E-PINE)
https://www.state.gov/enhanced-partnership-innorthern-europe-e-pine/)
16
The White House. (2022). National Strategy for the Arctic Region.
https://www.whitehouse.gov/wpcontent/uploads/2022/10/National-Strategy-for-the-Arctic-Region.pdf
17
Facing this lack of strategy some scholars have been arguing and recommending different options such as:
1) Arctic Military Code of Conduct (AMCC): the authors of the Briefing Note considered it would be of
relevance to define redlines (Depledge, et al. 2019); 2) According to Khorrami and Raspotnik one possibility
would be direct contribution from NATO to the Permanent Structured Cooperation (PESCO) developing
hybrid partnerships and agreements (2022, p. 5). Both authors highlight also the importance of the Nordic
Defence Cooperation (NORDEFCO), a regional security group that include Denmark, Finland, Iceland,
Norway and Sweden with the goal of strengthening participants’ national defence, exploring common
synergies and facilitating efficient common solutions, as mentioned in the NORDEFCO website:
https://www.nordefco.org/Files/nordefco-vision-2025-signed.pdf
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it does not keep failing in “adopting the concept of human security” (Rico, 2022, p. 9).
To conclude, NATO should be able to look all the regions its allies, and future ones, are
included in so it can properly express its real intention to protect them. If one
understands that the Arctic region is also threatened by Russia and China, Finland and
Sweden´s applications to NATO speak for themselves and reinforces the presence of the
Arctic in the Alliance. If the organisation can make a difference with the period of the
Cold War in what concerns the harsh region that is becoming more navigable, then
perhaps it will be possible to look at it through a different lens and in connection with
climate change. A region that has been there since its creation, with 5 of the 8 Arctic
states (Canada, Iceland, Norway, USA (Alaska) and the Kingdom of Denmark
(Greenland)) as part of the Alliance. In a short period of time (depending on Turkey)
they will be 7 with Finland and Sweden. So, when referring to transatlantic relations (EU
and North Americas) and defence, the Arctic is part of it. The oceans, Atlantic and Arctic,
are meeting each other. The Arctic Council (non-traditional) and NATO (traditional) shall
find a balance to work in a cooperative way in order to assure a safe and secure place
for all in that region, so the “security vacuum”, mentioned by NATO´s Secretary General
on 25th March of 2022 at Bardufoss Air base in Norway, disappears. Even if not
expressed, the Arctic is omnipresent within NATO and climate change is acknowledged
as a threat multiplier (NATO Climate Change and Security Action Plan (number 1, 2021).
The different complementary documents mentioned in this paper seem to have not been
crossed and fully taken into consideration while elaborating the new Strategic Concept
2022.
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NATO, climate change and security: the Arctic missing in Madrid Strategic Concept
Céline Rodrigues
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JANUS.NET, e-journal of International Relations
e-ISSN: 1647-7251
Vol. 14, Nº. 2 (November 2023-April 2024), pp. 397-406
Notes and Reflections
NATO, climate change and security: the Arctic missing in Madrid Strategic Concept
Céline Rodrigues
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How to cite this note
Rodrigues, Céline (2023). NATO, climate change and security: the Arctic missing in Madrid
Strategic Concept 2022. Notes and Reflections in Janus.net, e-journal of international relations.
Vol. 14, 2, November 2023-April 2024. Consulted [online] on date of last visit,
https://doi.org/10.26619/1647-7251.14.2.02