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Universidade Autónoma de Lisboa

e-ISSN: 1647-7251

VOL. 17 Nº.1, TD4

Thematic Dossier – From Colonial Rule to Nationhood:

Amílcar Cabral and the Birth of Lusophone Africa

October 2026

263

FROM COLONIAL RULE TO NATIONHOOD: AMÍLCAR CABRAL'S THOUGHT IN THE

FACE OF THE MOZAMBIQUE PEACE ACCORDS

RUI MOREIRA DE CARVALHO

Rui.Moreira.Carvalho@iscte-iul.pt

He holds a PhD in Management, with spatialization in Strategy, from ISCTE-IUL (2008), a master's

degree in Economics and Management of Science and Technology, from ISEG (1996), and a

marine machinery engineer from ENIDH (1994). He is an associate professor at Universidade

Lusófona (Portugal) and an invited assistant professor at ISCTE-IUL. He is director of the

postgraduate course in Quality Management at ISCTE-IUL. His academic work focuses on

development economics, corporate governance, mobile money, financial institutions, cooperative

banking. https://orcid.org/0000-0002-0808-171X

IVONE SOARES

ivone.selemane@isg.pt

She is a PhD candidate in Political Science and International Relations and a lecturer in the

Bachelor's Programme in Political Science at the Catholic University of Mozambique (Mozambique).

Alongside her academic career, she has played a prominent role in public life and civil society in

Mozambique. She currently serves as a Member of the Assembly of the Republic of Mozambique,

where she is serving her fourth legislative term. She is also the African Representative of the

Business and Professional Women (BPW) network, President of the Union for Student Development

(UNDE), a civil society organization, and a member of the Technical Commission for the

Implementation of the National Inclusive Dialogue. In addition, she is an active writer and public

advocate. Her academic research and public engagement focus on international relations,

democratic governance, public policy, management, human rights, women's empowerment, and

international cooperation. Particular attention is devoted to issues of sustainable development in

Africa, the retention of girls in education, the prevention of femicide and child marriage, and

support for victims of terrorism and internally displaced populations, especially in Cabo Delgado

Province. Through her academic, political, and civic contributions, she seeks to promote inclusive

development, social justice, and democratic participation in Mozambique and beyond.

https://orcid.org/0000-0002-7076-8934

CARLOS VIEIRA

carlvieira@ucp.pt

He is currently Executive Director for Executive Education at Católica Porto School of Business &

Economics (Portugal). He is an effective member of the Order of Economists and the Order of

Certified Accountants, Vice-President of ANESPO – Portuguese Association of Professional Schools

and member of the Supervisory Board of CCP – Portuguese Confederation of Commerce and

Services. Holds a degree in Business Administration and Management from Católica Lisbon School

of Business & Economics (1996), a postgraduate degree in Management and Industrial

Organization from Universidade Lusófona (2000) and in Management from ISG – Instituto Superior

de Gestão (2009), and two executive courses in Social Leadership for Managers and of Chief

Sustainability Officer, both from Católica Porto (2023 and 2024). https://orcid.org/0000-0002-

1606-1356

Abstract

This research investigates, in a critical and interpretative way, how Amílcar Cabral's political

thought could dialogue with the Mozambican peace process, culminating in the Peace Accords

(Rome, in 1992, and Maputo in 2014 and 2018). Starting from an in-depth analysis of the

central categories of Cabralismo - especially liberation as a continuous process, the centrality

of political consciousness, revolutionary ethics, and the relationship between popular power and

JANUS.NET, e-journal of International Relations

e-ISSN: 1647-7251

VOL. 17 Nº. 1, TD 4

Thematic Dossier – From Colonial Rule to Nationhood:

Amílcar Cabral and the Birth of Lusophone Africa

October 2026, pp. 263-285

From Colonial Rule to Nationhood: Amílcar Cabral's

Thought in the Face of the Mozambique Peace Accords

Rui Moreira De Carvalho, Ivone Soares, Carlos Vieira

264

the state - the study confronts these principles with the historical, social, and political dynamics

that shaped the end of the civil war in Mozambique. Through the question "what would Cabral

say about the Peace Accords without Mozambique", the research seeks to understand the extent

to which the Peace Accords, inserted in disarmament, demobilization and reintegration (DDR)

programs under the tutelage of multilateral institutions, respond or enter into tension with

Cabral's vision of structural transformation and post-colonial emancipation. Through an

interdisciplinary approach that combines African political theory, contemporary history, and

critical discourse analysis, a hypothetical but grounded reading of what Cabral might have said

about national reconciliation, the role of parties, social reintegration, and the challenges of

building the Mozambican nation characterized by twenty-one ethnic groups in the post-

decolonization period is proposed. The research concludes that Cabral's thought offers relevant

conceptual tools to reassess the limits and potentialities of negotiated peace in Mozambique,

illuminating contemporary debates on sovereignty, democracy, and social justice in the African

context.

Keywords

Peace Agreements, Amílcar Cabral, Frelimo, Independence, Mozambique, Nation, Peace,

Renamo.

Resumo

Este trabalho investiga, de forma crítica e interpretativa, como o pensamento político de Amílcar

Cabral poderia dialogar com o processo de paz moçambicano, culminando nos Acordos de Paz

(Roma, em 1992, e Maputo em 2014 e 2018). Partindo de uma análise aprofundada das

categorias centrais do Cabralismo - especialmente a libertação como processo contínuo, a

centralidade da consciência política, a ética revolucionária e a relação entre o poder popular e

o Estado - o estudo confronta estes princípios com as dinâmicas históricas, sociais e políticas

que moldaram o fim da guerra civil em Moçambique. Através da questão "o que diria Cabral

sobre os Acordos de Paz sem Moçambique", a investigação procura compreender até que ponto

os Acordos de Paz, inseridos nos programas de desarmamento, desmobilização e reintegração

(DDR) sob a tutela de instituições multilaterais, respondem ou entram em tensão com a visão

de Cabral de transformação estrutural e emancipação pós-colonial. Através de uma abordagem

interdisciplinar que combina teoria política africana, história contemporânea e análise crítica do

discurso, propõe-se uma leitura hipotética, mas fundamentada do que Cabral poderá ter dito

sobre a reconciliação nacional, o papel dos partidos, a reintegração social e os desafios de

construir a nação moçambicana caracterizada por vinte e um grupos étnicos no período pós-

descolonização. A obra conclui que o pensamento de Cabral oferece ferramentas conceptuais

relevantes para reavaliar os limites e potencialidades da paz negociada em Moçambique,

iluminando debates contemporâneos sobre soberania, democracia e justiça social no contexto

africano.

Palavras-chave

Acordos de Paz, Amílcar Cabral, Frelimo, Independência, Moçambique, Nação, Paz, Renamo.

How to cite this article

Carvalho, Rui Moreira de, Soares, Ivone & Vieira, Carlos (2026). From Colonial Rule to Nationhood:

Amílcar Cabral's Thought in the Face of the Mozambique Peace Accords. Janus.net, e-journal of

international relations. Thematic Dossier – Geopolitics of Anxiety: Ideology, Identity, and

(Un)Bordering in Contemporary Europe and Asia, VOL. 17 Nº. 1, TD4, October 2026, pp. 263-285.

DOI https://doi.org/10.26619/1647-7251.DT0726.12

JANUS.NET, e-journal of International Relations

e-ISSN: 1647-7251

VOL. 17 Nº. 1, TD 4

Thematic Dossier – From Colonial Rule to Nationhood:

Amílcar Cabral and the Birth of Lusophone Africa

October 2026, pp. 263-285

From Colonial Rule to Nationhood: Amílcar Cabral's

Thought in the Face of the Mozambique Peace Accords

Rui Moreira De Carvalho, Ivone Soares, Carlos Vieira

265

Article submitted on 27 July 2026 and accepted on 18 August 2026.

JANUS.NET, e-journal of International Relations

e-ISSN: 1647-7251

VOL. 17 Nº. 1, TD 4

Thematic Dossier – From Colonial Rule to Nationhood:

Amílcar Cabral and the Birth of Lusophone Africa

October 2026, pp. 263-285

From Colonial Rule to Nationhood: Amílcar Cabral's

Thought in the Face of the Mozambique Peace Accords

Rui Moreira De Carvalho, Ivone Soares, Carlos Vieira

266

FROM COLONIAL RULE TO NATIONHOOD: AMÍLCAR CABRAL'S

THOUGHT IN THE FACE OF THE MOZAMBIQUE PEACE ACCORDS

RUI MOREIRA DE CARVALHO

IVONE SOARES

CARLOS VIEIRA

Introduction

Amílcar Lopes Cabral was born on September 12, 1924. He was born in the city of Bafatá,

Portuguese Guinea (located in present-day Guinea-Bissau), the son of Cabo Verdean

parents. In 1956, he was the founder of the PAIGC or African Party for the Independence

of Guinea and Cabo Verde. He was also one of the founding members of the Popular

Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA) later that same year, along with Agostinho

Neto, whom he met in Portugal, and other Angolan nationalists (Tomás, 2021). The goal

of the conflict was to achieve the independence of both Portuguese Guinea and Cabo Verde.

Throughout the conflict, as the movement conquered territory from the Portuguese, Cabral

became the de facto leader of much of what would become Guinea-Bissau.

Lopes & Barros (2019) recall that "The PAIGC stood out as a movement that fights for the

liberation of not one, but two colonies (that is, not only Guinea-Bissau, where the war was

taking place, but also the nearby archipelago of Cabo Verde), pursuing both the

disintegration of imperial ties and a unitary political project that encompasses

geographically separated territories. As Colm Foy said: 'Despite the world's concerns about

the Vietnam war, tiny Guinea-Bissau and Cabo Verde have captured the imagination of the

international community'.

Declaration of Interests - The authors declare that there are no conflicts of interest relating to the research,

authorship, or publication of this chapter. For the sake of transparency, co-author Ivone Soares has served as a

member of the Mozambican Parliament representing RENAMO since 2010. The views and analyses presented in

this chapter are the sole responsibility of the authors and were developed in accordance with academic standards

of scholarly independence and research integrity.

Acknowledgment - The authors acknowledge the use of Microsoft Copilot in assisting with the formatting of

references and the standardization of source citations in this work.

JANUS.NET, e-journal of International Relations

e-ISSN: 1647-7251

VOL. 17 Nº. 1, TD 4

Thematic Dossier – From Colonial Rule to Nationhood:

Amílcar Cabral and the Birth of Lusophone Africa

October 2026, pp. 263-285

From Colonial Rule to Nationhood: Amílcar Cabral's

Thought in the Face of the Mozambique Peace Accords

Rui Moreira De Carvalho, Ivone Soares, Carlos Vieira

267

Amílcar Cabral proved to be an exceptional diplomat politically (Telepneva, 2017). In

addition to the desired political unity with the three main ethnic groups of Guinea-Bissau

(Balantas, Fulas and Mandingas), he tried and succeeded in joining the PAIGC movement

(African Party for the Independence of Guinea and Cabo Verde) in the struggle for Cabo

Verdean independence in 1956. The generation that waged the struggle against

Portuguese colonization in Guinea-Bissau and Cabo Verde would be known as the "Cabral

generation", in recognition of their intellectual leadership and strategy and their personal

commitment to the consolidation of unified movements (Cassam, 2014). In 1961, the

PAIGC joined with Mozambican FRELIMO and the Angolan MPLA to establish the

Conference of Nationalist Organizations of the Portuguese Colonies (CONCP), a common

party to coordinate the struggles for independence of the Portuguese colonies throughout

Africa. The three groups were frequently represented at international events by the CONCP

(Lyon, 1980).

While the international links of the Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA)

have been widely recognized by Cold War studies in light of the post-independence war in

Angola, the efforts of the Mozambique Liberation Front (FRELIMO) have also received

particular attention (Kaiser, 2017; Tornimbeni, 2018), as well as the support provided by

Soviet Bloc states (Dallywater, 2019).

Cabral was shot dead on January 20, 1973, about eight months before Guinea-Bissau's

unilateral declaration of independence. He was deeply influenced by Marxism, becoming

an inspiration for revolutionary socialists and national independence movements around

the world (Lopes & Barros, 2019). Cabral did not have the opportunity to celebrate the

independence of any of the former Portuguese colonies. And to experience the evolution

of their independence processes. But we know their struggle to find solutions supported

by coordinated institutions (North, 1990) and the models for reducing tensions between

different communities that often end in military confrontations.

This research adopts a qualitative approach of a descriptive and exploratory nature, using

documentary analysis of primary and secondary sources, supported by a documentary

analysis of a recorded interview, of about 34 minutes, in London, on October 27,1971 with

Medeiros Ferreira and Pedro George, revisited and made available in an extensive work of

journalistic content in the newspaper Expresso online in 2022 (Soares, 2023).

The recommended approach aims to predict, in the second decade of the twenty-first

century, the strategic line of thought of Amílcar Cabral, supported by his thinking recorded

in the context of the war of decolonization in the 1960s and 1970s. We will find several

points of convergence to replicate certain problems that triggered the reasons for the war,

identified by Amílcar Cabral, in many regions of the world, starting with Guinea-Bissau, as

well as in Mozambique. Guinea-Bissau, a territory the size of the Alentejo region of

Portugal, was the scene of the most violent war.

From colonial rule to the attempt to create the nation

As Huntington (1999, p. 28) points out, "in the post-Cold War world, the most important

differences between peoples are not ideological, political or economic. They are cultural.

Peoples and nations are trying to answer the most basic question facing human beings:

JANUS.NET, e-journal of International Relations

e-ISSN: 1647-7251

VOL. 17 Nº. 1, TD 4

Thematic Dossier – From Colonial Rule to Nationhood:

Amílcar Cabral and the Birth of Lusophone Africa

October 2026, pp. 263-285

From Colonial Rule to Nationhood: Amílcar Cabral's

Thought in the Face of the Mozambique Peace Accords

Rui Moreira De Carvalho, Ivone Soares, Carlos Vieira

268

Who are we? And they answer this question in the most traditional way, with reference to

what matters most to them. People define themselves in terms of ancestry, religion,

language, history, values, customs, and institutions. They identify with cultural groups:

tribes, ethnic groups, religious communities, nations and, at a broader level, civilizations.

People use politics not only to promote their interests, but also to define their identity. We

only know who we are when we know who we are not, and often against who we are."

The geographical boundaries of present-day African states do not reflect any African

historical development. They are almost all artificial, and their formal appearance did not

consider their realities. This differs from the dominant principles in Europe regarding the

ideological motivation of nation-states – nationalism. Nationalism can be defined as the

political expression of the desire for each nation to have its own state – a nation-state

(Gellner, 1983, p. 2).

In the so-called Lusophone Africa, Angola and Mozambique for Carvalho (2010, p. 89), the

new holders of power had, as one of their main tasks, the creation of a nation for the

geographical space they came to dominate. In other words, it was considered that a

national consciousness could be created administratively, "from above". Technically, it was

called a "nation-state project." And this process remains centred on a central element

linked to life: peace.

Peace was also Amílcar Cabral's goal: negotiated peace

"On July 1, 1970, Pope Paul VI granted an audience to three African poets who spoke

Portuguese: Amílcar Cabral, Agostinho Neto and Marcelino dos Santos. Paul VI created an

international political fact by receiving the three leaders of the liberation movements of

the former Portuguese colonies. The dictatorship of the Estado Novo was taken by surprise

by this audience of the Supreme Pontiff and the news would only appear in the Portuguese

press on Sunday, July 5th". In these, the evening newspaper The Capital also published

the full "commentary" of Agence France-Presse, noting that "for the first time, the highest

moral force of the West and the spiritual head of 600 million registered Catholics in the

world dared to do what the most important political leaders who call themselves Catholics

refused. Pope Paul VI received – and blessed – three revolutionary leaders of colour,

banned and persecuted as communists and criminals by a European nation that is a secular

pillar of the Church." That nation was Portugal, the country whose dictatorship refused to

put an end to the Colonial War" (Soares, 2023).

Peace is the greatest resource for life. There are many reasons to seek power; But their

gain through agreement, the result of communication and negotiation, can offer perennial

socio-economic development. But this desire has many limitations, starting with the

asymmetries that armament and mobilization tend to suggest.

Cabral defended unity as the basis of African liberation. Samora Machel

, who knew him

deeply, said that Cabral had "a broader view of the struggle" and that his death was a

Ten years after Cabral's death, Samora Machel, the leader who proclaimed Mozambique's independence (1975),

would also lose his life in a plane crash in Mbuzini, South Africa, the causes of which also raise doubts to this

day.

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e-ISSN: 1647-7251

VOL. 17 Nº. 1, TD 4

Thematic Dossier – From Colonial Rule to Nationhood:

Amílcar Cabral and the Birth of Lusophone Africa

October 2026, pp. 263-285

From Colonial Rule to Nationhood: Amílcar Cabral's

Thought in the Face of the Mozambique Peace Accords

Rui Moreira De Carvalho, Ivone Soares, Carlos Vieira

269

blow to all Portuguese colonies, including Mozambique. Thus, Cabral would probably

celebrate any process that reduced internal divisions and strengthened national cohesion.

Led by the United Nations (UN), several multilateral institutions and friendly countries have

tried to promote peace-seeking processes embedded in the integration of all stakeholders.

The persistence of conflict in many places where peacebuilding has been attempted,

especially in contexts of armed or violent conflict, illustrates the pressing need and

significant difficulties in establishing conditions for sustainable peace (Knight, 2008, p. 25).

The difficulties in removing or eliminating the risk of relapse or recurrence of conflict are

high, even in the face of the efforts of the various international actors involved in the field

of peacebuilding.

Valuing peace as a condition for true liberation

Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration (DDR) programmes have become

essential in post-conflict contexts. But they only began to receive due importance from the

United Nations in the 1990s and began to be included in the discussions of the Security

Council, preparing reports and guidelines on the subject (Peixoto, 2006, p. 3).

From this recognition, the understanding and actions of the United Nations in relation to

the DDR evolved. In the Report of the United Nations Panel on Peace Operations (known

as the Brahimi Report) released in August 2000, a breakthrough emerges in relation to

the DDR. It recognized the link between peacekeeping, peacebuilding, and socio-economic

development, as well as a range of peacebuilding tools and strategies that could be part

of any peace-support operation (Knight, 2008a, pp. 25-28).

These included the adoption of rapid impact projects, the creation of a fund for the DDR,

which includes the European Union, the Kingdom of the Netherlands (Netherlands),

Finland, Switzerland, Sweden, Norway, Ireland, the United Kingdom, the Federal Ministry

of Foreign Affairs of Germany, Canada and Botswana (Zebra, 2021), the adoption of a

doctrinal shift from civilian policing to rule of law teams, the creation of a pilot

peacebuilding unit and the regularization of funding for the Electoral Affairs Division at

the United Nations Headquarters in New York (Knight, 2008a, pp. 26-27).

Based on this recognition and the creation of instruments regulating the DDR, the United

Nations has given the DDR a significant space. The United Nations considers the DDR to

be an integral part of peacebuilding efforts, as it aims to solve a public policy problem,

namely the post-conflict security problem that arises when combatants are left without

livelihoods and support networks during the period vital to peace, recovery and

development conflict. For this reason, from the 1990s onwards, the inclusion of the DDR

to contribute to lasting peace has become essential in peace processes, as has the United

Nations Operation in Mozambique (ONUMOZ).

International efforts for peace and security

The United Nations Committee of Experts on Peace Operations, the Brahimi Committee,

issued its report in 2004, in which it explicitly linked the peacekeeping, peacebuilding, and

JANUS.NET, e-journal of International Relations

e-ISSN: 1647-7251

VOL. 17 Nº. 1, TD 4

Thematic Dossier – From Colonial Rule to Nationhood:

Amílcar Cabral and the Birth of Lusophone Africa

October 2026, pp. 263-285

From Colonial Rule to Nationhood: Amílcar Cabral's

Thought in the Face of the Mozambique Peace Accords

Rui Moreira De Carvalho, Ivone Soares, Carlos Vieira

270

socio-economic development functions of the United Nations system, and recommended

the creation of a Global Fund for the DDR (Knight, 2008a).

Barros (2025) draws attention to the fact that the integration of forcibly displaced

individuals, such as refugees or internally displaced persons (IDPs), is a pressing issue

facing low- and middle-income countries. The 2023 United Nations report on global trends

in forced displacement reveals that the world has reached a new peak of 108.4 million

forcibly displaced individuals, of which 82 million (76%) are housed in low- and middle-

income countries (UNHCR, 2023). The relocation of such a large number of individuals

imposes a significant burden on host communities, with numerous empirical studies finding

evidence of negative effects on local labour and housing markets (Jennifer Alix-Garcia &

Saah, 2012; Ruiz & Vargas-Silva, 2015; Tumen, 2016; Depetris-Chauvin & Santos, 2018;

Morales, 2018; Tsuda, 2022), food security (George & Adelaja, 2022) and wealth (Alix-

Garcia & Saah, 2010). The shock generated by the arrival of these individuals can also

lead to tension and even conflict between hosts and displaced people (Putnam, 2007;

Jennings & Sanchez - Pages, 2017; Rozo & Vargas, 2021; Albarosa & Elsner, 2023).

All this evidence highlights the need for effective solutions to integrate forcibly displaced

individuals and local hosts, as tension between these two groups can hinder long-term

socio-economic development (Knack & Keefer, 1997; Zak & Knack, 2001; Sobel, 2002;

Guiso et al. 2004).

Thus, for Barros (2025), the paramount importance of reducing the tension between local

hosts and displaced people has led both academics and policymakers to increasingly think

about new policies to address this issue. A common approach is one focused on resources;

often consists of providing public goods (Assaad et al., 2023) or social and economic

incentives to promote the socio-economic self-sufficiency of displaced persons and

integrate them into the local labour market (Battisti et al., 2019; Caria et al., 2020;

MacPherson & Sterck, 2021; Altindag & O'Connell, 2023; Beltramo et al., 2023).

Emphasis on national unity

Mozambique is what Herbst (2000) calls a "geographically challenged" state, with the

capital located in the extreme south and the largest population concentration 1500 km to

the north. As in most countries in Africa, it has many ethnic and linguistic groups, with

more than 20 languages spoken.

All states have developed after a minimum level of institutional cohesion (identity) that

the language tool has been able to provide. And this has always been a long cultural

process, which can never be considered finished.

Carvalho & Veiga (2024) recall that the largest ethnolinguistic group in Mozambique

(Macua), with about 25% of the population, located in the North, where important gas

and coal reserves have been identified, has the worst rates of financial inclusion (Banco

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e-ISSN: 1647-7251

VOL. 17 Nº. 1, TD 4

Thematic Dossier – From Colonial Rule to Nationhood:

Amílcar Cabral and the Birth of Lusophone Africa

October 2026, pp. 263-285

From Colonial Rule to Nationhood: Amílcar Cabral's

Thought in the Face of the Mozambique Peace Accords

Rui Moreira De Carvalho, Ivone Soares, Carlos Vieira

271

de Moçambique, 2023a, 42). In October 2017, in the coastal part of this region, some

young people robbed Mocímboa da Praia (Folha de Maputo, 2017).

According to Barros (2025), since October 2017, Cabo Delgado has been affected by an

Islamist insurgency that has led to more than one million internally displaced people —

about 40% of the province's total population — with 140,000 currently displaced to Pemba

(a city with 200,000 inhabitants before the conflict). This significant increase in Pemba's

population has generated significant social friction between local hosts and internally

displaced persons, threatening the efforts of local authorities and their international

partners to maintain peaceful coexistence.

This conflict persists, and external military support has been requested for the defence of

the populations. This suggests that the base of the conflict has local support. What are

the causes and possible solutions?

The general population census carried out in 2007 and released in 2010 by INE (2010) of

Mozambique indicates that 21 languages are spoken in Mozambique. Table 1 shows that

between 2010 and 2017, only two indigenous languages of northern Mozambique (Macua

and Cinianja) grew slightly. But the official Portuguese language is the only one with

national distribution and the one with the highest increase (INE, 2019, p. 82).

Table 1. Main languages spoken by the population aged 5 years and over, in 2010 and 2017

Nº

Languages

Percentage of speakers (%)

Provinces where they are spoken

Total

2010

Total

2017

Men

Women

Macua

25,92

26,13

26,14

26,13

Cabo Delgado, Nampula, Niassa,

Zambézia, Sofala

Português

11,54

16,58

17,76

15,49

All provinces

Xichangana

10,62

8,63

8,00

9,20

Gaza, Maputo, Maputo Cidade, Niassa,

Inhambane

Ci-sena

8,30

7,09

7,02

7,16

Manica, Sofala, Tete, Zambézia

Lómue

7,59

7,08

6,95

7,19

Nampula, Niassa, Zambézia

Echuabo

6,24

4,72

4,64

4,80

Sofala, Zambézia

Cinianja

5,71

8,05

8,12

7,99

Niassa, Tete, Zambézia

Xindau

4,43

3,76

3,56

3,94

Manica, Sofala

Xitsua

2,96

3,76

3,58

3,93

Gaza, Inhambane, Maputo, Sofala

Source: Adapted from Carvalho & Veiga (2024)

After independence in 1975, the country was ravaged by a civil war between the

Mozambican National Resistance (RENAMO) and the Government led by the Mozambique

Liberation Front (FRELIMO). The causes of conflict can be diverse, whether external or

internal. Systematically, externally, the causes of civil war are related to "discontent with

the ideologies adopted by the new states" in a context of Cold War geopolitical disputes

(Masseko, 2019, p. 126).

https://www.folhademaputo.co.mz/pt/noticias/nacional/mocimboa-da-praia-15-bandidos-mortos-em-

confronto-com-a-policia/

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Thematic Dossier – From Colonial Rule to Nationhood:

Amílcar Cabral and the Birth of Lusophone Africa

October 2026, pp. 263-285

From Colonial Rule to Nationhood: Amílcar Cabral's

Thought in the Face of the Mozambique Peace Accords

Rui Moreira De Carvalho, Ivone Soares, Carlos Vieira

272

Its distribution at national level suggests that the issue was not essentially an ethnic issue;

thus, the DDR intended to create political, military and social conditions for the former

Renamo guerrillas to lay down their arms, abandon military life and return to civilian life,

contributing to a lasting peace in the country. However, the possibility of creating a

virtuous cycle also implied the reintegration of the guerrillas through support in the

transition to civilian life, including integration of some officers into the Armed and Defense

Forces of Mozambique (FADM) and Police of the Republic (PRM); creation of economic and

social conditions for reintegration and establishment of pension and social support

schemes for ex-combatants.

The case of Mozambique has gained international notoriety for having been addressed by

RDA programs in the search for peace and socio-economic inclusion. The first DDR in

Mozambique was implemented in 1992, after the signing of the General Peace Agreement

of Rome, which ended a civil war that lasted 16 years, between the government (Frelimo)

and Renamo (Vines, 2013; Weimer, 2020). And the second and third DDR resulted, in

part, from flaws and limitations in the design and implementation of the first DDR (Weimer,

2020), and from the institution's inability, both domestic and international, to monitor and

arbitrate subsequent processes.

In Mozambique, the causes of the civil war can be combined with the transformation of

Frelimo into a Marxist-Leninist party in 1977, resulting in the abandonment of the practice

of participatory democracy at the population level, in favour of the policies adopted by the

Frelimo-led government, such as the rebuke of various religious congregations and

merchants (Masseko, 2019, p. 127). This resulted in discontent and a sense of exclusion

from the people, which contributed to the increase in membership in Renamo. Thus, these

factors displeased several international actors, such as the then Rhodesia and South Africa,

as well as some groups of Mozambicans, including Frelimo dissidents who did not agree

with the way the Mozambican state was managed. It was in this context that Renamo was

created in 1976 to challenge the Marxist-Leninist policies and the type of state that Frelimo

implemented in Mozambique between 1975 and 1994, a period in which Frelimo

proclaimed itself a vanguard movement until the abandonment of this policy and the

adoption of the multiparty policy in 1994.

The war has had devastating impacts on the country's population and economy, which has

led to pressure from international actors to end the conflict. Due to international pressure,

in the 1980s, peace negotiations began that culminated in the signing of the General Peace

Agreement (GPA) on October 4, 1992, in the Italian city of Rome. Shortly after the signing

of the GPA, the following period was characterised by an atmosphere that was both

favourable and tense. The favourable environment was due to the ceasefire and the

tension resulted from the climate of mistrust and mutual accusations of non-compliance

with the GPA, where Renamo alleged the Government's non-compliance with protocol IV

(which deals with military issues), thus continuing with continuous threats to withdraw

from the electoral process that would culminate in the holding of the first multiparty

elections held in Mozambique in 1994 (Lala, 2005).

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The first agreement – Chissano & Dhlakama, Rome, 1992

The first DDR in Mozambique was elaborated in the 1992 Rome General Peace Agreement

(GPA), specifically in its Protocol. Based on the GPA, the demobilized Renamo forces and

government troops were to form an army of 30,000 troops, split in half between both

former belligerents. The GPA is composed of seven protocols, of which IV addresses

military issues. It is in this context that the DDR process and the creation of the Armed

Defence Forces of Mozambique (FADM) are organised or agreed, composed of 24,000 for

the army, 4,000 for the air force and 2,000 for the navy (Boletim da República, 1992, p.

7). Totalling 30,000 people composed of former Renamo and Government combatants,

with the intention of creating "an army that was not linked to any political force and that

had no role in national politics" (Lundin, 2014, p. 2).

At the end of the process, in February 1995, the FADM was composed of only 12,195

people, of whom 8,533 were from the former government troops and 3,662 from Renamo,

which displeased Renamo (Coelho & Macaringue, 2002, p. 67). Several reasons led to this

numerical discrepancy, resulting from the exclusion of former Renamo combatants. The

poor organization of the new employment conditions, the delays in the demobilization

process, the long periods without payment of soldiers, the fatigue of war, as well as the

desire not to be associated with what public and international opinion considered a killing

machine, led people to opt for exclusion (Lala, 2005, p. 2). In this situation, people were,

on their own initiative, demobilizing and reintegrating into society, which was reflected in

the low number of former Renamo combatants integrated into the FDM, compromising the

success of the peacebuilding process due to their inadequate integration into communities

with dignity.

It was later agreed that a United Nations Operation in Mozambique (ONUMOZ) force with

a maximum of 7,500 personnel would oversee the transition period. Multi-party elections

should take place once demobilisation is complete and voters are registered. In addition,

the GPA established that the cessation of the armed conflict would consist of four phases:

the ceasefire, the separation of forces, the concentration of forces for a new army, and

demobilization. Disarmament would also be an integral part of this process (Reppell,

Rozen, & Carvalho, 2016, p. 6; Tassi, 2015, p. 25; Vines, 2013, p. 378).

The main objective of ONUMOZ, created in December 1992, was to create the necessary

conditions for the successful holding of the 1994 elections. Once this goal was

accomplished, the mission withdrew – as planned – leaving a team in the country to

support national development and help the people whose lives the conflict destroyed

(Reppell, Rozen & Carvalho, 2016).

According to Carvalho et al, (2026), with peace established, the country experienced

asymmetric economic growth supported by the cane of international assistance. In 1994,

the first multi-party general elections were held, both presidential and legislative. In 1998,

the first local or municipal elections were held in a multiparty context (Brito, 2013, p. 28).

However, the benefits of this growth were not felt by the majority, and more than half of

the population remained below the poverty line, in addition to the fact that electoral

processes were always contested, classified as fraudulent, especially by the opposition and

RENAMO.

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This contributed to Renamo's renegation on the GPA, and in 2013, in defiance of the results

of the local elections and the failure to advance its proposals to reform the electoral law,

RENAMO launched a military insurgency in central regions of the country (Maputo Accord,

2023).

The second agreement – Guebusa & Dhlakama, Maputo, 2014

As a result of the reality of the armed conflict in Mozambique, the Agreement on the

Cessation of Military Hostilities was signed on 5 September 2014 between the late Renamo

leader, Afonso Dhlakama, and the former President of the Republic, Armando Guebuza.

This date was negotiated in Nampula, August 31, 2014, by Renamo deputy Ivone Soares

and the president of the republic of Mozambique, Armando Guebuza (Lusa, 2014),

“marking Dhlakama's departure from Gorongosa, in the centre of the country, where he

had been taking refuge for many months to start the electoral campaign”.

The agreement was intended to end armed violence and lead to general elections on 15

October 2014. To follow up on the Agreement, the Military Team of International Observers

for the Cessation of Military Hostilities (EMOCHM) was created with the aim of ultimately

carrying out Renamo's DDR. However, their mission failed, as Renamo did not present the

list of combatants that would be covered by the DDR, and in 2015 the conflict was renewed,

with Renamo attacking the FADM in Moatize (Nhamuave, 2024, p. 20-22). Thus, the DDR

was not implemented due to the failure of the very agreement that provided for the DDR

and the prevention of a return to violence.

After the resurgence of the conflict, it was necessary to resume negotiations, which

occurred in 2016. The new process had as mediators the Catholic Church, represented by

the Apostolic Nuncio Edgar Peña; the European Union, represented by Mario Raffaelli and

the Community of Sant'Egidio; South Africa, represented by Ambassadors Mandlenkosi

Memela, Thanduyise Chiliza and George Johannes; the former president of Tanzania,

Jakaya Kikwete; former President of Botswana, Sir Ketumile Masire, and Jonathan Powell

(Inter Mediate), both represented by Neha Sanghrajka (Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue)

(Maputo Accord, 2023). However, there has been no significant progress on the

Agreement. Even with the intervention of international actors, the parties only agreed on

a constitutional reform that included decentralization and the existence of elected

governors.

At the end of 2016, and after several attempts to ensure lasting peace and stability,

President Filipe Nyusi and Renamo President Afonso Dhlakama agreed to take a different

approach and engage in direct negotiations. These were preceded by non-direct contacts

conducted by the Swiss ambassador to Mozambique, Mirko Manzoni, the mediation advisor

of the Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue, Neha Sanghrajka, and Jonathan Powell, from

Inter Mediate, until the establishment of direct contact (Maputo Accord, 2023). This

resulted in some breakthrough in the negotiations, represented by Dhlakama's

announcement of a week-long ceasefire on 27 December 2016, followed by two

subsequent extensions. Although it was a short period of ceasefire, it represented a

breakthrough, a hope of establishing an agreement, because it meant that, after so many

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From Colonial Rule to Nationhood: Amílcar Cabral's

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Rui Moreira De Carvalho, Ivone Soares, Carlos Vieira

275

discussions, there was beginning to be consensus on some points, because of relative but

concrete concessions in the negotiations by the parties.

The negotiation model was adjusted to the profile of the negotiating parties, supported by

trust in the mobilizing agents (Carvalho, 2019).

With the death of Afonso Dhlakama on May 3, 2018, negotiations with the charismatic

leader ended. And nothing else was the same.

After a period of pause in negotiations, due to the death of Renamo leader Afonso

Dhlakama, General Ossufo Momade, on January 17, 2019, became the new president of

RENAMO, which resulted in the resumption of negotiations. Ossufo Momade held two

rounds of direct talks with President Filipe Nyusi, namely in 2019, which resulted in the

signing of the Maputo Peace and National Reconciliation Agreement on August 6, 2019.

The Agreement focuses on four main objectives: decentralization, disarmament,

demobilization, and reintegration, thematically structured in two provisions or pillars, with

a joint working group and international experts in each of them: Pillar I on Decentralization

and Pillar 2 on Military Affairs (Weimer & Bueno, 2020, p. 74).

The Maputo Agreement committed both parties to cease political and military hostilities

and to implement decentralization. The dialogue was facilitated by Ambassador Mirko

Manzoni as the personal envoy of United Nations Secretary-General António Guterres to

Mozambique in 2019 (Maputo Accord, 2023).

The Maputo Agreement includes a Memorandum of Understanding on military issues,

signed by Nyusi and Momade in August 2018, and Momade did not yet enjoy the status of

president of RENAMO. This Memorandum of Understanding established a set of principles

on guiding actions and objectives for the integration of Renamo officers into the structures

of FADM and the Police of the Republic of Mozambique (PRM), and for the DDR (Maputo

Accord, 2023).

The Memorandum also creates a Military Affairs Commission, composed of representatives

of Frelimo and Renamo, supported by three technical subgroups, namely: Joint Technical

Staff Group; Joint Technical Group on Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration and

Monitoring and Verification Group, which includes an international component, composed

of senior military advisers, to provide technical assistance and ensure the credibility of the

DDR process (Weimer & Bueno, 2020, p. 72-74).

For the implementation of the DDR, Renamo had the mission of presenting the names of

the combatants who would be covered by the agreement. Thus, Renamo presented a list

of 5,221 names of demobilized demobilizers for two types of support for officially registered

combatants: a reintegration package with an estimated value of about US$1,000,

consisting of tools, clothing, seeds and other items of personal use to be made available

in the 12 months following their demobilization, with monthly payment in cash (Weimer &

Bueno, 2020, p. 72-74).

At the same time, for effective monitoring, the DDR would be implemented in the short

term, because of the Provision or Pillar II on Military Affairs of the Agreement, under the

coordination of a Peace Secretariat. This Secretariat collaborated in the negotiation process

between the President of the Republic and Frelimo and the President of Renamo and was

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initially managed and financed by the Swiss Embassy in Maputo and the United Nations

Office for Project Services (UNOPS), which represents the technical team of the main

mediator.

The Secretariat was responsible for convening working group meetings, drafting reports,

hiring international experts, among other functions and functions, including reporting to

the Contact Group (representatives from Botswana, China, Norway, Switzerland, the UK

and the US), which oversees and legitimises the peace process internationally and also

manages the Multi-Donor Trust Fund (MDTF), set up to finance the DDR process (Weimer

& Bueno, 2020, p. 72-74).

And a third agreement – Nyusi & Momade, Maputo, 2018

Another agreement later, the Maputo Agreement for Peace and Reconciliation, was signed

on August 6, 2018, by Mozambican President and Frelimo President Felipe Nyusi and

Renamo leader Ossufo Momade. The Agreement focuses on four key objectives:

decentralization, disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration, thematically structured

in two provisions or pillars, with a joint working group and international experts on each

of them: Pillar I on Decentralization and Pillar 2 on Military Affairs (Weimer & Bueno, 2020,

p. 74).

The Maputo Agreement committed both parties to cease political and military hostilities

and to implement decentralization, with the support for its implementation and facilitation

of dialogue between the two parties given by Ambassador Mirko Manzoni, as personal

envoy of the United Nations Secretary-General, António Guterres, to Mozambique in 2019

(Maputo Accord, 2023). In this way, the Agreement is essentially based on the DDR, as it

was due to the deficiency of the DDR process and the existing political intolerance in

Mozambique, with elections without transparency, that space was opened for this moment

of post-electoral instability and violence.

According to Weimer & Bueno (2020), the 'Definitive Peace Agreement' or Maputo

Agreement focuses mainly on the Demobilization, Disarmament and Reintegration of

Renamo's armed wing and defines Renamo's responsibilities in this regard. It also

incorporates the Memorandum of Understanding of August 2018, which, among others,

formally puts an end to the armed clashes between the two belligerents.

Between 1992 and 2022, although peace was maintained in Mozambique, several electoral

processes were held regularly, and their fragility was evident when military clashes broke

out in 2012 and again in 2021, with the emergence of the RENAMO Military Junta. Table

1 summarizes the three peace agreements in terms of the type of conflict, their leaders in

the negotiation process, the specific objectives of each agreement, and the subsequent

political impact.

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Table 2. Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration Programs in Mozambique

Item

1992

2014

2018/2019

Type of conflict

National Civil War

Localized conflict

(Center)

Recurrent low-intensity

conflict

Leaders

Chissano & Dhlakama

Guebuza &

Dhlakama

Nyusi & Dhlakama/

Momade

Scope

Comprehensive,

structuring

Punctual, electoral

Structural (DDR +

decentralization)

Immediate

result

End of the civil war

End of hostilities

2012–14

Deeper reconciliation

process

Political impact

Introduction of multi-

party politics

Guarantee of

electoral

participation

Reconfiguration of

provincial power

Despite some differences between the DDR programs implemented in Mozambique, it is

clear that, in essence, the common goal is to ensure peace through the silencing of

weapons, reorientation and social and economic support in the reintegration of ex-

combatants into society, and these seek to function as a public policy for peace, or, in

broader terms, as an instrument framed in peacebuilding efforts (Reppell, Rozen, &

Carvalho, 2016).

The centrality of communities as a political solution

Cabral insisted that liberation is only true when the people actively participate in the

construction of the country. I would probably evaluate the Peace Accords by asking:

Q1 – Are the Mozambican people really involved?

The troubled announcement of Mozambique's presidential elections in October 2024 was

the epitaph of a process of national reconciliation between political institutions and the

Mozambican people. The demonstrations, the reactions of the police to the demonstrations

and the use of marginal areas of the population for banditry highlight the fragility of the

disarmament, demobilization and reintegration (DDR) programs promoted in Mozambique

from 1975 to 2025.

Q2 – A: Is peace improving the lives of rural and urban populations?

According to INE (2023a, p. 1), the youth population is becoming illiterate, with young

women being more illiterate than their male counterparts. A third of the young population

is illiterate and, of those who have some education, 18% have a higher education level

and only 1.5% have higher education. And provincial inequalities in absolute and relative

youth growth persist and tend to worsen, with central and northern regions hosting a large

percentage of the youth population and a faster growth trend, but more illiterate and with

less access to basic social services such as education and health, especially sexual and

reproductive services, than its counterpart in the southern region of the country (Carvalho

& Veiga, 2024).

Q3 - Is there social justice and redistribution of resources?

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In 2017, the National Institute of Statistics (INE, 2023b) reported 27.9 million inhabitants,

of which 51.7% were women, 67% lived in rural areas, with about 52% distributed across

the four northern provinces (Niassa, Cabo Delgado, Nampula and Zambezia), and about

25% in the four southern provinces (Maputo, Maputo City, Gaza and Inhambane). About

65% of the population was under 25 years old – they were born after the General Peace

Agreement, signed in 1992, that is, they do not have the trauma or the memory of the

scourge of a civil war.

Bueno (2019) argues that Mozambique's formula for success lay in its original combination

of amnesty at the national level with traditional healing and purification rituals at the

community level. For the author, the understanding was that, while the former allowed

the past to remain in the past – preventing further political polarization – the latter was

fundamental for a new beginning. Through rituals, people affected by the civil war

reintegrated into their families and communities and began new lives as civilians (Bueno,

2019, p. 427). The author considers that there was a lack of reconciliation in the design

and implementation of post-conflict pacification programs/laws in Mozambique. The DDR

analysed its traditional aspects, but did not consider a long-term element, which is

reconciliation (Bueno, 2019) and economic empowerment that enable the empowerment

of communities (Carvalho & Veiga, 2024) and, subsequently, of society as a pillar of

national construction.

The evolution of the Mozambican socio-political structure will therefore reveal these gaps

in the pacification of the country. In fact, it is said that the initial accommodation of

Renamo and its supporters during the Chissano government (1992-2005) did not evolve

into a reconciliation. On the contrary, the initial developments were practically reversed

during the term of President Armando Guebuza (2005-2015), deteriorating until the

reappearance of the armed conflict in 2012. In their own way, Frelimo and Renamo

maintained elements of differentiation between them, keeping the barriers between "us

and them" practically intact. This separation can be detected in the socioeconomic, political

and military spheres of Mozambican society.

The failures of the process of seeking lasting peace in Mozambique

Lala (2005) also considers that the international community, desperate to avoid the

mistakes made in the DDR processes elsewhere, such as Angola, which led to the relapse

of the conflict, avoided pressuring the parties to disarm in Mozambique. For example,

disarmament was not conducted diligently, as Renamo continued to maintain arms depots

and depots throughout the country. Reintegration was the most neglected part of the

entire program. Former combatants have not received adequate guidance and support for

much broader and long-term integration into society. DDR focused on the short-term

objective, which is more inclined towards reinsertion.

Some of the consequences of the DDR's "haste" in Mozambique, for example, are pointed

out by Lala (2005) and Knight (2008a), which were the increase in crime and the

circulation of light weapons and light weapons in the region, with Mozambique being

considered the source of most illegal weapons circulating in countries in the region, such

as the South African Republic (RAS), Zambia and Zimbabwe in 1998. Similarly, the high

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Rui Moreira De Carvalho, Ivone Soares, Carlos Vieira

279

crime rate in the region in general may be associated with the DDR process in Mozambique,

which both the demobilized and the availability of weapons outside the control of the

authorities followed (Lala, 2005; Knight, 2008a).

The approach of Alusala & Dye (2010) suggests that reintegration remains a major

challenge that requires large resources in post-conflict stabilization processes. For these

authors, the short duration and modest funding for many reintegration interventions made

it difficult to help ex-combatants acquire employable skills. In addition, the fact that many

DDR programmes focus on narrow objectives has meant that little assistance has been

provided to the most vulnerable groups involved in conflict, such as women, children and

people with disabilities. These groups also need support in learning skills that help them

secure a livelihood (Alusala & Dye, 2010; Vines, 2013).

For Alusala & Dye (2010, p. 4), the lessons learned from the collapse of the Angolan

peacekeeping operation, which failed to effectively demobilize combatants, leading to the

recurrence of war after a contested election, helped shape the approach used in

Mozambique. In the Angolan case, Jonas Savimbi, from UNITA, took advantage of a weak

UN mandate to reignite the civil war. There was, therefore, a fear that a repeat of the

Angolan scenario in Mozambique would further tarnish the image of stakeholders,

discrediting international peacebuilding efforts.

In turn, Lundin (1998) also reiterates the importance of reintegration and reconciliation in

post-conflict pacification processes in contexts such as Mozambique. Lundin (1988) argues

that two fundamental aspects are often ignored in post-conflict societies. First, social

reintegration, a critical component of peacekeeping operations, is often overlooked in

signed peace agreements.

Revolutionary ethics and leadership responsibility

Cabral influenced Mozambican liberation mainly through common anti-colonial networks,

liberation theory, and the circulation of cadres. Amílcar Cabral's connection to Mozambican

national liberation was above all intellectual, political, and organizational, rather than a

direct leadership of FRELIMO (Jones, 2020: Garcia-Ponce & Wantchekon, 2023; Lopes &

Mendy, 2025; Tomás 2021). The evidence converges that Lisbon was a decisive point in

this connection, because there Cabral lived with Mozambican students, including Joaquim

Chissano and Marcelino dos Santos, and participated in clandestine organizations that

preceded the liberation movements in Angola, Mozambique and other Portuguese colonies

(Lopes & Mendy, 2025; Tomás, 2021).

The evidence suggests that Amílcar Cabral's thought offered a central theoretical

framework to colonial liberation movements to understand national liberation in the

Portuguese colonial space (Tomás, 2016). It also shows that recent Mozambican

historiography insists that FRELIMO's struggle was internally contradictory rather than

linear, which suggests caution against readings that reduce Mozambique to the mere

application of "cabralism" (Darch & Hedges, 2021).

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Table 3. Main forms of connection between Amílcar Cabral and Mozambican national liberation.

Dimension

What the evidence shows

Political networks

Cabral articulated with Mozambicans in Lisbon

Tomás (2021)

Foundation of

FRELIMO

Common clandestine organizations preceded the

Mozambican movements

Tomás (2021)

Culture and

liberation

Amílcar Cabral's theory provided attributes for thinking

about Mozambican nationalism

Lopes & Mendy,

2025

Anticolonial War

Mozambique was part of the same escalation of

repression and resistance against Portugal

Jones, 2020

International

circulation

Cabral's ideas traveled between Lusophone struggles

and beyond

Darch & Hedges,

2021

The literature also situates Cabral as a participant in the construction of a new political

consciousness in the Portuguese-speaking world, simultaneously involving the liberation

struggles in the colonies and the final crisis of the Portuguese regime (Lopes, 2025). This

helps explain why its relevance to Mozambique appears less as "bilateral influence" and

more as part of a shared revolutionary camp (Lopes & Mendy, 2025).

In short, Cabral was important to Mozambican national liberation because he helped form

the networks, political language, and anti-colonial theory that also fuelled Mozambique.

His contribution to Mozambican liberation was mainly of a common intellectual horizon,

and not of direct command over FRELIMO.

Amílcar Cabral's revolutionary ethic — cantered on truth, responsibility to the people,

moral discipline and the struggle against privileges — constitutes one of the most

demanding legacies of African political thought of the twentieth century.

Conclusions

The analysis developed suggests that Amílcar Cabral's political thought remains a powerful

conceptual tool to understand both the limits and potentialities of peace processes in

Mozambique between 1992 and 2018. Although Cabral was assassinated before

Mozambican independence, his principles — liberation as a continuous process,

revolutionary ethics, people-centricity, national unity, and structural transformation—offer

sound criteria for critically evaluating peace agreements and subsequent political

dynamics.

First, the study confirms that Cabral valued peace as a condition for real liberation,

understanding it not as the mere absence of war, but as the construction of material,

political, and moral conditions that allow postcolonial emancipation. The text recalls that

"Cabral defended unity as the basis of African liberation", stressing that any pacification

process that does not address structural inequalities runs the risk of producing only a

formal, and not a substantial, peace.

Second, research shows that the 1992, 2014 and 2018 agreements incorporated important

elements of reconciliation and demobilisation, but repeatedly failed to fully reintegrate ex-

combatants, effectively decentralise, include local communities and build trust between

state and opposition. The absence of deep reconciliation — replaced by amnesties and

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Rui Moreira De Carvalho, Ivone Soares, Carlos Vieira

281

episodic negotiations — confirms that Mozambican peace was often treated as a technical

process rather than as a social transformation, contrary to Cabral's vision of continued

liberation.

Thirdly, the study shows that the ethnic and linguistic diversity of Mozambique, with

twenty-one groups identified, requires an approach to national unity that goes beyond

rhetoric. The persistence of regional inequalities, especially in the North, and the

emergence of new conflicts — such as the insurgency in Cabo Delgado — in the early

2020s, reveal that nation-building remains incomplete. As the document states, "peace is

the greatest resource for life", but it only becomes sustainable when accompanied by

inclusion, social justice and popular participation.

Finally, the work concludes that Cabral's revolutionary ethics — based on truth, moral

discipline, responsibility to the people and the fight against privilege — constitutes a critical

reference for evaluating contemporary Mozambican political leadership. The distance

between this ethical ideal and certain governmental practices highlights tensions between

the liberation project and the post-independence reality. Thus, Cabralian thought not only

illuminates the past, but also offers a normative framework for rethinking sovereignty,

democracy, and social justice in Mozambique in the twenty-first century.

At this point, it is important to remember that "Are the Mozambican people really involved"

with the development trajectory of Mozambique. The recent episodes of urban conflict in

December 2024, after the last presidential elections, suggest the need to change what was

wrong, identified and widely debated in Mozambique.

In summary, the work demonstrates that the Mozambican peace agreements represent

significant advances, but insufficient, when confronted with Cabral's vision. Negotiated

peace was necessary, but not sufficient: without structural transformation, social inclusion,

and political ethics, peace remains vulnerable. Cabral therefore provides not definitive

answers, but critical demands that continue to question the Mozambican state and its

political actors.

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