field, revealing a window of opportunity that the countryman must seize with care to sow,
tend, harvest, and store.
In this context, choosing agronomy meant pursuing a scientific understanding of the soil
conditions, agricultural production, and the survival of populations in a territory heavily
influenced by environmental and structural factors. However, in another territory, such as
Guinea-Bissau, which had abundant water, the colonial policy of imposing cultural practices
for export added another layer to the condition of the colonies as spaces serving the
interests of the colonizers.
Cabral was not convinced by natural causes alone (Neves, 2017; el Nabolsy, 2020),
because Cabo Verde was not (is not) the only place in the world with these vulnerabilities.
However, he questioned why people lived in such extremes: when the rain came, they lost
agricultural products, and when drought arrived, they had not even a grain of corn left to
feed the poor, even though Guinea-Bissau served as a breadbasket that met Portugal's
needs. Therefore, deliberate political (in)action determined the life and death of the people.
He also witnessed the dramatic consequences of the assistance disaster, which occurred
on February 20, 1949, in Praia, Cabo Verde. After a long period of drought, hundreds of
people were awaiting a hot meal and donations. The collapse of a wall caused the death of
232 people, an episode that reflected the extreme social vulnerability of the population, a
result of the economic and political conditions imposed on the archipelago by Portugal
(Lopes, 2021), which earned severe internal and international criticism, as people viewed
it as the face of a colonial system that used hunger as an instrument of war.
Between 1952 and 1954, Cabral worked as an agronomist in Portuguese Guinea, where he
conducted extensive field surveys to study cropping systems, local agricultural practices,
and erosion problems. In Lisbon, he worked on soil studies for Angola and researched the
storage of agricultural products until 1960. That year, he dedicated himself entirely to the
political struggle for the liberation and independence of Guinea-Bissau and Cabo Verde.
According to José Eduardo Ferrão (1988), Cabral's scientific activity encompasses two
complementary dimensions: one eminently technical, linked to agronomic work, the study
of soils and scientific knowledge applied to the territory; and another, deeply human,
marked by an ethical and political concern for the social utility of his work. Cabral
understood that engineers, especially Africans, should not limit their role to producing
technical knowledge; they should also commit to contributing to the valorization of the
"Afro-Negro" and ensure that the wealth generated by natural resources benefits Africa
(Ferrão, 1988, p. 21).
Cabral's scientific work was also characterized by the rigorous use of systematic research
methods, employing tools such as demographic statistics, mathematical formulations, field
surveys, and the comparative method to analyze diverse agricultural and environmental
realities. He adopted a critical stance towards the mere transposition of agricultural models
developed in other regions of the world, arguing for the need to carefully analyze African
agroclimatic conditions due to their ecological, social, and historical specificities.
However, the agricultural census conducted in Guinea-Bissau (1952–1955) allowed him to
develop political awareness, as he studied natural resources, soils, crops, and local
agricultural practices in detail (Ferrão, 1988; Neves, 2017). Therefore, Cabral argued that