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Universidade Autónoma de Lisboa

e-ISSN: 1647-7251

VOL. 17 Nº.1, TD4

Thematic Dossier – From Colonial Rule to Nationhood:

Amílcar Cabral and the Birth of Lusophone Africa

October 2026

158

AMÍLCAR CABRAL ROLE IN THE LINGUISTIC IDENTITY, MULTILINGUALISM

AND POST-INDEPENDENCE PROCESS IN CABO VERDE

MIGUEL ROSA DUQUE

miguel.duque@usj.edu.mo

He is a distinguished designer within the design industry with over 30 years of experience. He is

an assistant professor at the University of Saint Joseph (China) and has taught previously at

Macau University of Science and Technology, Macau Polytechnic University, and Beijing Normal-

Hong Kong Baptist University in China. He holds a PhD in Communication from the University of

Macau, with a focus on virtual reality research, a Master of Design in Virtual Environment Design

from the University of Saint Joseph, and a Bachelor of Arts in Multimedia Design from Curtin

University in Australia. Renowned for his multidisciplinary education and commitment to fostering

student creativity and consistently exceeding expectations, Miguel's pedagogical philosophy

emphasizes the importance of critical thinking and inquiry, encouraging students to question and

interact with contemporary design paradigms. https://orcid.org/0009-0005-4558-4796

JOSÉ MANUEL SIMÕES

jmsimoes@usj.edu.mo

He received a postdoc in Communication Science from the Portuguese Catholic University (2017)

and a PhD in Global Studies from the University of Saint Joseph, Macau-China (2011) with

Summa Cum Laude. He has a master of Arts in Communication and Journalism from the Faculty

of Letters of Coimbra University, Portugal, and a bachelor’s degree in International Journalism

from the Superior School of Journalism, Porto, Portugal, where he taught for seven years. He is

an associate professor and University of Saint Joseph Head (China) of the Media, Art &

Technology Department until 2024 and the coordinator of the Communication and Media Master

Programme since 2016. He published worldwide and participated in exhibitions, conferences, and

academic committees on three continents. He published 11 books and is the editor, organiser,

and co-author of five other books related to journalism and culture. He has also published

extensively in international academic journals and media outlets, especially about ethics and

communication and media. https://orcid.org./0000-0002-0730-7780

Abstract

This study explores how Amílcar Cabral influenced Cabo Verde's linguistic identity and

advanced the idea of multilingualism, especially after the country gained independence. Being

one of the main leaders in the liberation struggle against the oppressive Portuguese colonial

regime, Cabral was aware of how tightly linked language was to cultural and national

identities. Cabral's move to encourage the use of Kriolu, the local creole language, was the

highlight of efforts to unify the ethnic groups of Cabo Verde and helped generate a sense of

national pride through the nation's cultural identity. Moreover, by emphasizing

multilingualism, Cabral was able to strike a balance between Kriolu and Portuguese, thereby

creating a linguistic culture that recognizes the colony’s past and the future to be shaped by

the global community. This research investigates Cabral's language policies and the influence

of these policies on the various sectors of education, politics, and cultural expression in post-

independence Cabo Verde. We reveal how Cabral's concepts of language policy and identity

continue to shape discussions in Cabo Verde today, thereby highlighting the key role linguistic

diversity plays in the nation's ongoing socioeconomic progress.

JANUS.NET, e-journal of International Relations

e-ISSN: 1647-7251

VOL. 17 Nº. 1, TD 4

Thematic Dossier – From Colonial Rule to Nationhood:

Amílcar Cabral and the Birth of Lusophone Africa

October 2026, pp. 158-174

Amílcar Cabral Role in the Linguistic Identity, Multilingualism

and Post-Independence Process in Cabo Verde

Miguel Rosa Duque, José Manuel Simões

159

Keywords

Amílcar Cabral, multilingualism, linguistic identity, national identity, decolonization, liberation

struggle, cultural expression, language ideologies.

Resumo

Este estudo analisa a influência de Amílcar Cabral na construção da identidade linguística de

Cabo Verde e na promoção do multilinguismo, particularmente no período subsequente à

independência nacional. Enquanto uma das principais figuras da luta de libertação contra o

regime colonial português, Cabral compreendeu profundamente a estreita relação entre a

língua, a cultura e a afirmação da identidade nacional. A sua valorização do crioulo cabo-

verdiano (kriolu) constituiu um elemento central do projecto de unidade nacional, contribuindo

para a coesão social e para o fortalecimento do sentimento de pertença e orgulho identitário

entre os cabo-verdianos. Paralelamente, ao defender uma perspectiva multilingue, Cabral

procurou estabelecer um equilíbrio entre o crioulo e a língua portuguesa, promovendo uma

cultura linguística capaz de reconhecer simultaneamente o legado histórico colonial e as

exigências da inserção de Cabo Verde num contexto global. O presente trabalho examina as

concepções e orientações de Cabral em matéria de política linguística e discute o impacto

dessas ideias nos domínios da educação, da governação e das manifestações culturais no

período pós-independência. A análise evidencia que as reflexões de Cabral sobre língua,

cultura e identidade continuam a influenciar os debates contemporâneos em Cabo Verde,

sublinhando a importância da diversidade linguística como um recurso estratégico para o

desenvolvimento social, cultural e económico do país.

Palavras-chave

Amílcar Cabral, multilinguismo, identidade linguística, identidade nacional, descolonização,

luta de libertação, expressão cultural, ideologias linguísticas.

How to cite this article

Duque, Miguel Rosa & Simões, José Manuel (2026). Amílcar Cabral Role in the Linguistic Identity,

Multilingualism and Post-Independence Process in Cabo Verde. Janus.net, e-journal of international

relations. Thematic Dossier – Geopolitics of Anxiety: Ideology, Identity, and (Un)Bordering in

Contemporary Europe and Asia, VOL. 17 Nº. 1, TD4, October 2026, pp. 158-174. DOI

https://doi.org/10.26619/1647-7251.DT0726.7

Article submitted on 26 June 2026 and accepted on 21 August 2026.

JANUS.NET, e-journal of International Relations

e-ISSN: 1647-7251

VOL. 17 Nº. 1, TD 4

Thematic Dossier – From Colonial Rule to Nationhood:

Amílcar Cabral and the Birth of Lusophone Africa

October 2026, pp. 158-174

Amílcar Cabral Role in the Linguistic Identity, Multilingualism

and Post-Independence Process in Cabo Verde

Miguel Rosa Duque, José Manuel Simões

160

AMÍLCAR CABRAL ROLE IN THE LINGUISTIC IDENTITY,

MULTILINGUALISM AND POST-INDEPENDENCE PROCESS IN

CABO VERDE

AMÉLIE LU YUQING

Introduction

Born in Guinea-Bissau to Cape Verdean parents, Cabral thus showed a double belonging,

which informed his criticism of small, localized nationalisms. Cabral was a strong

opponent of any of the exclusive nationalisms of the Cape Verdean or Guinean factions,

arguing that structural unity would avoid post-colonial fragmentation. Both legally and

historically, Amilcar Cabral is recognized in Guinea-Bissau and Cabo Verde as the founder

of the nationality. He advocated binationalism thru PAIGC, convinced that the two regions

had a joint struggle for independence and common historical destiny. Amílcar Cabral

holds a unique position in the Lusophone African anti-colonial imaginary in that his

political practice was inseparable from his conception of culture and identity. For Cabral,

liberation was not only a military and administrative transformation of colonial power but

also an ideological and cultural reorientation of the colonized society to reverse the

cultural alienation imposed by Portuguese rule. In his 1970 address at Syracuse

University, Cabral argued that colonial rule was sustained by the creation of a social gap

between indigenous elites and the popular masses through the systematic repression of

local culture (Carter & Aulette, 2009). In the Cabo Verde context, the legacy of

Portuguese rule, as it intersects with creolization, migration, and island-based social

formation, and Cabral’s ideas about culture and national consciousness together provided

a framework for revaluing and reimagining linguistic life (Carter & Aulette, 2009).

This study addresses Cabral’s influence on Cabo Verdean culture and linguistic life,

focusing especially on how Cabralist ideas, such as culture as a ‘common heritage’ and

as a battleground, influenced discussions of language, identity, and social cohesion. In

the past, Cabo Verdean Creole (Kriolu) was a language of communication “shunned and

denigrated” by those in power; during colonial times, its use was banned in government

buildings and schools (Carter & Aulette, 2009, p. 213). In the modern era, the

Conflict of Interests - The authors have identified no conflicts of interest.

Acknowledgment - The authors acknowledge the use of Microsoft Copilot in assisting with the improvement

of English grammar, the formatting of references, and the standardization of citations in this work. All

intellectual content, arguments, analysis, interpretations, and conclusions remain the sole responsibility of the

author.

JANUS.NET, e-journal of International Relations

e-ISSN: 1647-7251

VOL. 17 Nº. 1, TD 4

Thematic Dossier – From Colonial Rule to Nationhood:

Amílcar Cabral and the Birth of Lusophone Africa

October 2026, pp. 158-174

Amílcar Cabral Role in the Linguistic Identity, Multilingualism

and Post-Independence Process in Cabo Verde

Miguel Rosa Duque, José Manuel Simões

161

archipelago exemplifies a typical diglossic speech community, where Portuguese

functions as the “High” (H) language for formal authorities, education, and global

navigation, and Kriolu functions as the “Low” (L) language, the “language of the heart”

or “mother tongue”, for daily life, music, and emotional expression (Carter & Aulette,

2009, p. 214). Understanding Cabral's influence, however, demands attention to both

policy and lived language practices because this Portuguese–Kriolu relationship differs by

island and social class (Cardoso et al., 2025; Carter & Aulette, 2009).

The central idea is that Cabral’s approach to culture as rooted yet dynamic contributed

to processes of cultural revival and linguistic revaluation in Cabo Verde, particularly by

strengthening arguments for the legitimacy of Kriolu and for multilingual coexistence

rather than simple replacement (Carter & Aulette, 2009). This legacy can be seen in the

current “Total Bilingualism” practice in education, which aims to accord equal respect to

both languages to enhance learning outcomes and social equity (Cardoso et al., 2025, p.

3).

This research uses an interdisciplinary approach to draw on historical evidence of Cabral’s

philosophy and contemporary sociolinguistic data. It reflects on the ways in which cultural

forms of music and literature like mornas and the works of poets like Jorge Barbosa have

maintained ethnic consciousness (Carter & Aulette, 2009). It also acknowledges that

Cabo Verdean culture is not uniform; the regional variation between the Barlavento

(Windward) and Sotavento (Leeward) dialects presents ongoing challenges for language

standardization (Cardoso et al., 2025). Finally, the paper’s organization demonstrates

the interplay of cultural theory, political mobilization, and language ideology over time,

from the historical background of Portuguese colonialism to present-day attempts to build

a bilingual education system that empowers all Cabo Verdeans.

The Intellectual Foundation: Culture as the "Weapon" of Theory

In 1966, Amílcar Cabral delivered his famous speech "The Weapon of Theory", presented

during the Tricontinental Conference in Havana, Cuba. The importance of revolutionary

ideology and culture in the struggle for national liberation from imperialism is highlighted

in his speech (Cabral, 1966). For Cabral, theory was never a speculative or purely

academic exercise, but a strategic instrument essential for understanding and

transforming the concrete socio-economic reality of a colonized people. Often described

as an “innovative and complex organic intellectual-activist” and a “transdisciplinary

critical social theorist” (Rabaka, 2014, p. 14), his education as an agricultural engineer

provided him with a unique scientific perspective on the Guinean and Cabo Verdean

terrain, allowing him to perceive the socio-economic structures of colonial exploitation

through the literal soil of the land (el Nabolsy, 2019; Fonseca, 2025). In his landmark

1966 Havana address, Cabral argued that the ideological deficiency of many national

liberation movements was one of the greatest weaknesses of the anti-imperialist

struggle, asserting that "nobody has yet successfully practiced revolution without a

revolutionary theory" (Cabral, 1979, p. 559).

Central to this intellectual foundation was Cabral’s materialist understanding of history,

where the level of productive forces is the driving force of history. Cabral innovatively

JANUS.NET, e-journal of International Relations

e-ISSN: 1647-7251

VOL. 17 Nº. 1, TD 4

Thematic Dossier – From Colonial Rule to Nationhood:

Amílcar Cabral and the Birth of Lusophone Africa

October 2026, pp. 158-174

Amílcar Cabral Role in the Linguistic Identity, Multilingualism

and Post-Independence Process in Cabo Verde

Miguel Rosa Duque, José Manuel Simões

162

questioned the traditional Marxist primacy of class struggle as the single determinant of

human development, arguing instead that class struggle is only the motive force in

certain historical periods (Cabral, 1979; van Veen, 2016). He posited that the underlying

mode of production dictates the broader trajectory of human evolution, meaning that

societies existed in history even before the appearance of social classes (Cabral, 1979;

Wick, 2006). By shifting the focus to productive forces, Cabral was able to re-integrate

African folk social formations—which colonialists had labeled "stateless" or "a-

historical"—into the mainstream of world history (Magubane, 1971, p. 76). This

theoretical shift challenged Eurocentric linearity and provided a scientific basis for the

dignity and historical agency of the African peasantry (Saraiva, 2022; Wick, 2006).

As Cabral noted, the fundamental characteristic of imperialism is the denial of the

historical path followed by the dominated people, through the usurpation of their right to

develop their creative potential. (Cabral, 1970; el Nabolsy, 2019). Colonialism acts as a

force that impedes natural social evolution, keeping the colonized society linked to the

metropole's history like a "wagon of their train" (Wick, 2006, p. 62). Thus, national

liberation is fundamentally defined not merely as political sovereignty or a change in the

color of the leadership, but as the regaining of a people’s historical personality and their

return to history through the total destruction of foreign domination (Cabral, 1970;

Magubane, 1971). In this framework, culture is not a mere superstructural effect of

economics but an essential and determinant element of a people's history (Cabral, 1970;

Chabal, 1981). Cabral famously described culture as the "fruit of history", likening its

role to a flower that holds the responsibility for forming the "seedling" that generates the

continuity of history (Cabral, 1973, p. 50). Culture reflects the dynamic synthesis

established by the social conscience to resolve material, spiritual, and social conflicts at

every stage of a society's evolution (Cabral, 1970; el Nabolsy, 2019). For Cabral, culture

is a social reality independent of the will of individuals, yet it remains the primary vehicle

for identifying with fundamental problems and aspirations for progress (Cabral, 1970).

Because foreign domination can only be maintained through the permanent, organized

repression of a people’s cultural life, Cabral posited that "national liberation is necessarily

an act of culture" (Hamilton, 2021, p. 95).

He believed that for the liberation movement to succeed, it must base its action on a

thorough knowledge of popular culture, distinguishing between the progressive and

reactionary elements of tradition (Cabral, 1970). This re-Africanization of the mind or

return to the source was not a blind retreat into the past, but a critical retrieval and

reinvention of indigenous values intended to support a modern, autonomous society (el

Nabolsy, 2019; van Veen, 2016). By weaponizing theory through the lens of culture,

Cabral ensured that the struggle for independence was as much about reclaiming the

soul as it was about the technical requirements of warfare (Lopes & Barros, 2020)

The "Return to the Source": Critical Re-Africanization of the Mind

For Cabral, this was not a universal requirement for all sectors of society but a specific

ideological intervention directed at the native elites and the petty bourgeoisie who had

been assimilated into colonial culture (Cabral, 1973). Under the Portuguese system of

"ultra-colonialism", a tiny minority of Africans were granted the status of assimilados, a

JANUS.NET, e-journal of International Relations

e-ISSN: 1647-7251

VOL. 17 Nº. 1, TD 4

Thematic Dossier – From Colonial Rule to Nationhood:

Amílcar Cabral and the Birth of Lusophone Africa

October 2026, pp. 158-174

Amílcar Cabral Role in the Linguistic Identity, Multilingualism

and Post-Independence Process in Cabo Verde

Miguel Rosa Duque, José Manuel Simões

163

privilege contingent upon disdaining their own African heritage and adopting the

language, religion, and social manners of the metropole (Magubane, 1971, p. 72). This

created what Cabral described as a "socio-cultural drama" for the petty bourgeoisie: they

were cut off from their own people by education and social status, yet they remained

marginalized and were never truly accepted by the foreign ruling class (Chabal, 1981, p.

40). This marginalization created a problem that compelled these alienated individuals

to seek a new identity by turning back toward the masses (Cabral, 1973).

As the class with the technical knowledge to manipulate the state apparatus inherited

from the colonizer, they were the next heirs to power, yet their class interests often

aligned with imperialist capital (Chabal, 1981). To lead a true revolution, this elite had

to abandon its privileges and identify completely with the working masses, becoming the

revolutionary workers (Cabral, 1979; Davidson, 1984). This was not an elitist back to the

past, but a critical recovery and reinvention of cultural values to sustain a modern

autonomous society (van Veen, 2016). This approach characterized identity as a dynamic

synthesis of spiritual and material elements in constant transformation, which permitted

Cabo Verdeans to see this as the basis for national solidarity and revolution (Cabral,

1970; el Nabolsy, 2019; Saraiva, 2022).

Crucially, Cabral argued that this return was unnecessary for the popular masses,

particularly the rural peasantry who constituted the vast majority of the population

(Cabral, 1973). Unlike the westernized elite, the masses had remained the undisputed

repository of indigenous culture, keeping their traditions alive in the villages and forests

despite centuries of organized colonial repression (Cabral, 1970, 1973). For them, culture

remained a strong factor to preserve their identity even when politico-military resistance

had been crushed (Carter & Aulette, 2009; Cabral, 1970). Therefore, the return to the

origin was specifically an ideological reconversion for the uprooted intellectual and civil

servant classes who needed to harmonize their personal reality with the historical reality

of their country (Cabral, 1973; el Nabolsy, 2019).

He emphasized that the return did not imply a blind or romantic retreat into the past or

a "tabula rasa" rejection of all external influences (Chabal, 1981, p. 56). Instead, it was

a critical retrieval and reinvention of indigenous values intended to support a modern,

autonomous society (van Veen, 2016; el Nabolsy, 2019). Cabral believed that culture

must be analyzed as a "function of the needs of the struggle and progress" (el Nabolsy,

2019, p. 5). Human progress depends on the resolve of people to take on and overcome

obstacles. Civilization grows, learns and develops because of hardship and conflict.

Without adversity there is no progress, no movement in life. Life without adversity is

stagnant.

He famously insisted that while the positive aspects of tradition should be preserved,

those that were "antiscientific"—such as belief in magical explanations for natural

phenomena—had to be discarded through a process of education and self-criticism (el

Nabolsy, 2019, p. 5). This important return aimed not just to restore the past but to use

historical knowledge to ensure a future based on justice and dignity (van Veen, 2016).

By framing decolonization as an act of culture, Cabral ensured that the struggle for

independence was as much about reclaiming the national soul and historical agency as it

was about seizing political power (Cabral, 1970; Rabaka, 2014).

JANUS.NET, e-journal of International Relations

e-ISSN: 1647-7251

VOL. 17 Nº. 1, TD 4

Thematic Dossier – From Colonial Rule to Nationhood:

Amílcar Cabral and the Birth of Lusophone Africa

October 2026, pp. 158-174

Amílcar Cabral Role in the Linguistic Identity, Multilingualism

and Post-Independence Process in Cabo Verde

Miguel Rosa Duque, José Manuel Simões

164

Linguistic Resistance: The Power and Status of Cabo Verdean Creole

(Kriolu)

Linguistic identity serves as a foundational cornerstone of Cabo Verdean nationhood, with

Cabo Verdean Creole (Kriolu) acting as the primary vehicle for cultural resistance and

national unity. For nearly the entire population, Kriolu is defined as the "language of the

heart" or the "mother tongue", representing the dynamic synthesis of the material and

spiritual condition of the archipelago’s people, whereas Portuguese remains the formal

language of the colonizer. This linguistic situation is characterized by sociolinguists as

diglossia, a state in which two languages coexist within a single community but are

assigned distinct social functions and prestige levels (Carter & Aulette, 2009, p. 214). In

this hierarchy, Portuguese was historically imposed as the "High" (H) language of

education, government, and business, while Kriolu was relegated to the "Low" (L) status,

reserved for informal settings, family life, and emotional expression (Carter & Aulette,

2009, p. 214). This linguistic structure was part of a larger colonial reality characterized

by “cultural subjugation and racial hierarchy” (Santos et al., 2024, p. 2). The preservation

of Kriolu allowed Cabo Verdeans to maintain a separate identity from their colonizers,

using the language to express solidarity and criticize power structures (Carter & Aulette,

2009).

During the colonial period, Portuguese officials deliberately denigrated Creole as an

inferior dialect, often describing it as a corruption of Portuguese and a sign of the return

of an old trait or habit (Saraiva, 2022). To maintain a rigid social distance between the

colonizer and the colonized, the use of Kriolu was strictly prohibited in schools and

government buildings, creating a wall around the indigenous population (Carter &

Aulette, 2009). This linguistic pacification was intended to stifle the intellectual

development of the African population and ensure that a minimally educated group would

prioritize European values and historical narratives over their own heritage (Mendy,

2003, as cited in el Nabolsy, 2019). By presenting Portuguese as the only medium for

theoretical thought, science, and progress, the colonial administration sought to instill an

inferiority complex in Cabo Verdeans, suggesting that their native tongue was a barrier

to civilization and entry into the modern world (el Nabolsy, 2019).

Amílcar Cabral and the PAIGC recognized that reclaiming the national soul required a

direct challenge to this linguistic and cultural hegemony. They strategically used Creole

as a tool for mobilization and literacy, bridging the critical gap between the revolutionary

leadership and the rural masses, who were largely illiterate at the start of the struggle

(African Information Service, 1973). In the liberated zones, the party implemented

militant education programs that utilized Kriolu to foster a new national consciousness

and empower peasants to do it for themselves (Borges, 2019; Fonseca, 2025). This was

not merely a functional choice but an ontological reclamation; by elevating the status of

Kriolu, Cabral helped Cabo Verdeans recognize their unique linguistic heritage as a source

of revolutionary pride rather than a mark of colonial shame (Saraiva, 2022). The struggle

itself served as a "cultural crucible," where the use of a common tongue helped forge a

unified nation from diverse ethnic groups (Chabal, 1981, p. 55).

Cabral distinguished between colonialist culture and the Portuguese language itself,

asserting that the latter could be wielded as a weapon for liberation without

JANUS.NET, e-journal of International Relations

e-ISSN: 1647-7251

VOL. 17 Nº. 1, TD 4

Thematic Dossier – From Colonial Rule to Nationhood:

Amílcar Cabral and the Birth of Lusophone Africa

October 2026, pp. 158-174

Amílcar Cabral Role in the Linguistic Identity, Multilingualism

and Post-Independence Process in Cabo Verde

Miguel Rosa Duque, José Manuel Simões

165

compromising one's African identity (el Nabolsy, 2019). He rejected essentialist views

that claimed speaking a European language made one less African, emphasizing instead

that the utility of a language in achieving independence and progress was what mattered

most (Cabral, 2016; el Nabolsy, 2019).

An example of the nature of Cabo Verdean identities is the different ways people speak

Kriolu in Cabo Verde. The country has two sets of islands called Barlavento (Windward)

and Sotavento (Leeward). While Barlavento (centered in Mindelo, São Vicente)

historically held prominence as an intellectual, literary, and artistic centre, and Sotavento

(specifically Santiago) holds political dominance and the largest speaker population

(Badiu Creole). Every person has their way of speaking. People who in the Northern

(Barlavento) islands may sound more like Portuguese but people, from the southern

islands keep their West African language traditions. However, Swolkien and Cobbinah

(2019) propose that the Cabo Verdean Creole (CVC) from Santo Antão variation is a

phonological outlier in the archipelago. Its distinctive character is the result of a specific

socio-historical pathway, a settlement in the early 16th century and centuries of great

geographic isolation, which permitted separate internal evolution of the original proto-

CVC. These advances were further reinforced by extensive interaction with dialectal

Portuguese in the 18th and 19th centuries, resulting in a variation which has a perceived

Portuguese flavour, but which is not the result of a separate process of re-creolization.

All these different ways of speaking come together to create layers of identity within

Cabo Verdean-ness (or Kabuverdianidade). Such conflicts have created a pluricentric

linguistic situation for Cabo Verde. Language planners and teachers have had to operate

under a two-variety approach (for both Barlavento and Sotavento varieties) instead of

choosing a standardized national variety. The advantage of such an approach is the

preservation of regional differences; however, it complicates the standardization of Cabo-

verdiano within the government, education and legal domains where a uniform

orthographic standard is required.

Despite centuries of marginalization and official repression, Creole persists as the most

widespread symbol of Cabo Verdean identity, both on the islands and within the global

diaspora (Carter & Aulette, 2009). It remains the primary language of music, most

notably the morna, as well as poetry and oral tradition, serving as the medium through

which Cabo Verdeans preserved their ethnic consciousness during the long years of

silence (Ludtke, 1989; Carter & Aulette, 2009). The practice of linguistic resistance in

contemporary Cabo Verde has evolved from ideological discourse to the practical

utilization of the Dual Language Education (DLE) approach, which operates as a vehicle

for cognitive justice. New evidence from the Si ka fila tudu, ta fila un ponta initiative (If

Everything Is Not Achieved, at Least Something Is), ran between 2013 to 2019, the

program created a tremendous influence. The lessons obtained from this initiative

provided useful insights into effective approaches that could be deployed in schools in

Cabo Verde to foster bilingualism. It indicated that the "linguistic barrier" found in early

education programs is particularly significant in areas that can be defined as "remote

islands or in schools with poorer families" where very little interaction with Portuguese is

evident (Cardoso et al., 2025, p. 15).

JANUS.NET, e-journal of International Relations

e-ISSN: 1647-7251

VOL. 17 Nº. 1, TD 4

Thematic Dossier – From Colonial Rule to Nationhood:

Amílcar Cabral and the Birth of Lusophone Africa

October 2026, pp. 158-174

Amílcar Cabral Role in the Linguistic Identity, Multilingualism

and Post-Independence Process in Cabo Verde

Miguel Rosa Duque, José Manuel Simões

166

The multilingual program succeeded because of the focus on appreciating the importance

of the native tongue or Cabo Verdean Creole, just like Portuguese. The first step involved

ensuring that the teachers had the competence to use Cabo Verdean Creole as a subject

and as a main language in teaching other subjects such as Mathematics and Science.

This program was based on a model referred to as Total Bilingualism, also called Dual

Language Education. It involved using Cabo Verdean Creole and Portuguese equally in

the teaching process. The two languages were considered as subjects and as the

languages used to teach other subjects, thus enabling the learners to become literate in

the two languages at once. Here, each language was used equally, half of the time, so

that the students could develop proficiency in both languages. This balance allowed the

students to become competent in speaking, reading, and writing in both languages. As a

result, the learners achieved great success academically. The multilingual program also

helped the learners develop positive attitudes, gain civic responsibility awareness, and

improve their analytical thinking skills. These improvements were reflected in the

performance of the students in all areas of the curriculum (Cardoso et al., 2025).

Today, Cabo Verde continues its journey toward balanced bilingualism, with modern

educational programs seeking to integrate Kriolu into formal schooling alongside

Portuguese to improve learning outcomes and promote social equity (Cardoso et al.,

2025). These initiatives respond to calls for education based on the students' first

language (L1), acknowledging that including local languages in schools can help students

better understand the curriculum and connect with their cultural roots. By decolonizing

the mind through the embrace of the Kriolu, the legacy of Cabral ensures that the cultural

soul of Cabo Verde remains a dynamic force for dignity, social justice, and progress (van

Veen, 2016).

The Instrumental Role of Portuguese: Science, Modernity, and Global

Opportunity

In the decades since independence, Portuguese has evolved into a global bridge, linking

millions of speakers across several continents as a vital super language (Correia, 2024,

p. 366). Cabral was an astute diplomat who recognized that to win international support,

the PAIGC had to communicate its cause to the United Nations and the global public in a

recognized international language (Mendy, 2019; Lopes & Barros, 2020). His speeches

in Lisbon, Paris, and Syracuse demonstrated his ability to master the language of the

oppressor to demand its departure (Lopes & Barros, 2020; Cabral, 1970). By maintaining

high literacy in Portuguese, the leadership ensured they were at the same literacy level

as students in developed countries, preventing them from being marginalized in the

global power (Wick, 2006).

While modern educational reforms seek to implement balanced bilingualism by

integrating Kriolu into formal schooling, the instrumental value of Portuguese remains

unchallenged as the nation's port for opportunity expansion. Cabral’s anti-essentialist

vision ensured that Cabo Verdeans would not have to choose between their African

identity and their participation in the modern world (el Nabolsy, 2019; Wick, 2006).

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Mastery of the Portuguese language remains a strategic asset in the ongoing movement

toward dignity and progress (Cabral, 1970; el Nabolsy, 2019).

Amílcar Cabral’s approach to the linguistic landscape of Cabo Verde was defined by a

sophisticated and paradoxical ideology that simultaneously championed the indigenous

language (Kriolu) while upholding the colonial language as a vital strategic asset

(Hamilton, 2021; Saraiva, 2022). He famously described the Portuguese language as

"one of the best things that the tugas [whites/colonialists] left us", a statement reflecting

his refusal to allow emotional nationalist sentiments to obscure the technical

requirements of a successful revolution (el Nabolsy, 2019, p.5;). For Cabral, the language

of the colonizer could be seized as a "spoil of war" and transformed into a powerful

"linguistic weapon" to be used against the very system that introduced it (el Nabolsy,

2019, p. 12).

Cabral’s defence of Portuguese was deeply rooted in his commitment to the philosophical

discourse of modernity, which prioritizes reason, progress, and the principle of

subjectivity or autonomy (el Nabolsy, 2019). He argued that national liberation was not

merely a return to a romanticized past but a "forced march" toward cultural progress

(Cabral, 1970/2009, p. 18; Chabal, 1981, p.55). In this framework, Portuguese was not

viewed as a symbol of cultural defeat but as an essential instrument for the assimilation

of modern science and technology (el Nabolsy, 2019). Cabral posited that for the PAIGC

(African Party for the Independence of Guinea and Cabo Verde) to lead the people

forward, it required a language capable of expressing the relative and tangible truths of

modern scientific discourse (el Nabolsy, 2019; Cabral, 1979).

This instrumentalism was particularly evident in his analysis of the limitations of

indigenous languages at that historical juncture. Cabral pointed out that neither Kriolu

nor the various ethnic languages of the mainland possessed the specialized technical

vocabulary required for modern military coordination or scientific instruction at that time

(el Nabolsy, 2019). He noted, for example, that one could not easily express complex

physics concepts, such as the "intensity of a force is equal to mass times the acceleration

of gravity", in Creole during the 1960s (el Nabolsy, 2019, p. 13). To master the tools of

modern development - such as the mechanics of a mortar or the data portraiture of a

soil survey - the revolutionary cadre had to be fluent in a language with a standardized

orthography and a deep technical lexicon (el Nabolsy, 2019; Saraiva, 2022).

Distinguishing Influence from Domination

Central to Cabral’s argument was the distinction between colonialist culture and foreign

influence (el Nabolsy, 2019). He argued that colonialism was a crime because it replaced

cultural autonomy with foreign domination, negating the historical process of the

colonized people (Cabral, 1970; Magubane, 1971). However, he insisted that influence

was a neutral, and often positive, phenomenon if adopted through an autonomous act of

choice (el Nabolsy, 2019). Cabral rejected the tabula rasa approach to culture, arguing

instead for a critical retrieval and reinvention of cultural values (van Veen, 2016). He

believed that refusing to use useful tools simply because they were of foreign origin was

a sign of a "complex of inferiority" (Nabolsy, 2019, p. 13). By freely deciding to utilize

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Portuguese to advance the cause of liberation, the African revolutionary was performing

an act of sovereignty (el Nabolsy, 2019). Portuguese became an instrument of liberation

once it was no longer enforced by the metropole but autonomously wielded by the

liberation movement to communicate directives and conduct diplomacy (el Nabolsy,

2019). Cabral distinguished between the language itself and the political ideology from

the colonialist implemented in the society (Cabral, 1979; el Nabolsy, 2019). In his view,

using a standardized language from the colonizer did not compromise one’s African

identity so long as these tools served the project of national reconstruction (Cabral, 1970;

el Nabolsy, 2019).

The instrumental role of Portuguese also extended to the strategic and diplomatic needs

of the revolution (Lopes & Barros, 2020). Portuguese served as a lingua franca that

connected the different liberation movements within the Portuguese empire - such as the

MPLA in Angola and FRELIMO in Mozambique - through the CONCP (Conference of

Nationalist Organizations of the Portuguese Colonies) (el Nabolsy, 2019). This shared

linguistic medium allowed for the coordination of military strategies and the circulation

of revolutionary ideas, effectively turning the colonizer's language into a bridge for Pan-

African solidarity (Lopes & Barros, 2020).

Binationalism and the Forging of a Unified National Identity

Amílcar Cabral’s political vision was fundamentally rooted in the principle of

binationalism—the strategic and ideological goal of unified independence for both Guinea-

Bissau and the Cabo Verde islands (Lopes & Barros, 2020; Parsa, 2017). Founded in

1956, the African Party for the Independence of Guinea and Cabo Verde (PAIGC) was

unique among liberation movements for seeking the decolonization of two separate

territories under a single, unitary political project (Lopes & Barros, 2020; Fonseca, 2025).

This vision was not a mere tactical convenience; it was based on a "radical realism" that

recognized the deep historical, blood, and interest-based ties between the mainland and

the archipelago that had existed for centuries (Hamilton, 2021, p. 81). Cabral argued

that the shared experience of Portuguese "ultra-colonialism" and racist dominance

provided a common basis for a unified African identity that could and should transcend

local ethnic differences (Magubane, 1971, p. 72).

To understand the depth of Cabral’s binational project, one must first examine the

colonial structures he sought to dismantle. Portuguese colonial strategy relied heavily on

utilizing the archipelago as a base for trade and administration (Chilcote, 1968). In the

colonial hierarchy, Cabo Verdeans were often classified as "citizens" or assimilados, while

the vast majority of mainland Guineans were relegated to the status of "indigenas"

(natives) (Chilcote, 1968, p. 380). This system deliberately created a socio-economic

and cultural gap, frequently using Cabo Verdeans as intermediary agents of the colonial

state to administer Guinea (Wick, 2006). Cabral recognized that these divisions were a

form of linguistic and cultural pacification designed to keep the colonized people in a state

of permanent atavism and inferiority (Saraiva, 2022).

Central to the construction of this collective identity was Cabral’s innovative concept of

the “nation-class” (Chabal, 1981, p. 38; Wick, 2006, p. 51). Drawing upon what he

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famously termed his weapon of theory, Cabral challenged orthodox Marxist

interpretations that regarded class struggle as the sole driving force of history across all

social formations (van Veen, 2016). He argued that, within the colonial context, the

principal contradiction lay not between social classes within the colonised society, but

between the colonised population as a whole, conceived as a nation-class, and the

colonial state (Chabal, 1981; Wick, 2006).

Cabral did not conceive of culture as a static repository of traditions; rather, he

understood it as a historical and dynamic process that required critical recovery,

reinterpretation, and renewal. The liberation struggle thus became a necessary vehicle

for cultural transformation, compelling diverse ethnic communities to abandon practices

deemed detrimental to social progress while fostering the emergence of a cohesive

national consciousness (Cabral, 1970; Wick, 2006). Through the PAIGC, popular

assemblies, schools, and healthcare facilities were established, gradually supplanting the

colonial administration with institutions grounded in participatory governance and social

justice (Borges, 2019; Wick, 2006).

This process contributed to a profound transformation of national consciousness,

replacing colonial alienation with a sense of revolutionary dignity and collective self-

determination. By emphasising unity in struggle, Cabral sought to forge a nation capable

of accommodating cultural diversity while sustaining a shared commitment to anti-

colonial resistance and national liberation (Cabral, 1979; Wick, 2006).

Cabral's vision of binationalism was also an exercise in decolonial internationalism

(Mendy, 2019; van Veen, 2016). He believed that a liberated Africa must eventually

move beyond nationalism to solve the basic problems of post-colonial development (van

Veen, 2016; Wick, 2006). Binationalism was a practical step in this direction; if people

as different as those in Guinea and Cabo Verde could find common ground, it would

reveal the potential for broader Pan-African unity (Mendy, 2019; Wick, 2006). To support

this, Cabral promoted a radical decentralization of power. He was against the idea of a

capital, arguing that centralized ministries were signs of an emerging elite detached from

the peasantry. He proposed that the government should maintain constant dialogue with

the social base to avoid the elitist tendencies of the political leadership. This inclusive

conception of citizenship invited all to participate in the construction of the new society

(Wick, 2006).

Amílcar Cabral’s assassination in 1973 was a tragic attempt to destroy the PAIGC and its

binationalist vision (Fonseca, 2025). While the political paths of Guinea-Bissau and Cabo

Verde eventually diverged in 1980, the foundations Cabral laid for a binationalist

decolonial identity proved remarkably resilient (Fonseca, 2025; Wick, 2006). He remains

posthumously celebrated as the Fundador da Nacionalidade (Founder of the Nationality),

a title that reflects his role in founding the process by which two disparate peoples

identified themselves as a unified, historical subject (Davidson, 1984; Wick, 2006).

Through Cabral’s notion of “re-conquered history”, Cabral guaranteed that Cabo

Verdeans’ identities would never be essentialist or ahistorical (Magubane, 1971, p. 84;).

He opposed the theory of Africanness’ trans-historical characteristics and asserted that

identity can only be defined as the dynamic synthesis of spiritual and material elements

that keep evolving (Cabral, 1970; el Nabolsy, 2019). Through this approach, Cabo

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Verdeans could view their mixed identities not as atavism from the colonial past but as

the grounds for national solidarity and revolution (Saraiva, 2022). Even today, these

ideas persist among Cabo Verdeans who remain internationally connected yet intrinsically

connected to the earth beneath their feet.

Binationalism and the "Founder of the Nationality"

Cabral’s political vision was rooted in the principle of binationalism - the goal of unified

independence for both Guinea-Bissau and Cabo Verde (Lopes & Barros, 2020). He argued

that the shared experience of colonial dominance provided a common basis for a unified

African identity that could transcend local ethnic and regional differences (Wick, 2006).

Despite his tragic assassination in 1973, his legacy as the founder of the nationality

[Fundador da Nacionalidade] remains secure. Scholars point out that he was the founder

not just of a nation, but of the process by which a collectivity identifies itself and begins

to build a post-colonial culture (Davidson, 1984; Wick, 2006).

Cabral’s vision of the "New Man" and "New Woman"—citizens possessing a revolutionary

consciousness that transcends colonial alienation—remains the ultimate goal of the Cabo

Verdean project (Wick, 2006, p. 52). This "New Man" is characterized by the practice of

democracy, criticism, and social justice, developed through the "cultural crucible" of the

liberation struggle (Chabal, 1981, p. 55; Wick, 2006, p. 52). Cabral’s insistence that unity

is a means toward progress rather than an end in itself ensured that Cabo Verdean

identity would remain a dynamic, open-ended project subject to perpetual review (Wick,

2006).

The legacy of Amílcar Cabral in the development of culture in Cabo Verde lies in

combining revolutionary theory with practice. He educated a country that culture is not

only an ancient heritage to worship but their history lesson to be utilized as a means of

survival and development. It was by giving culture the central role in the fight for freedom

that Cabral turned it into an endless resource of courage and the main driving force for

national reconstruction (Cabral, 1970).

Cabral’s linguistic legacy is perhaps the most visible aspect of his influence on modern

Cabo Verde. He recognized Cabo Verdean Creole (Kriolu) as the primary vehicle for

cultural resistance and the people’s language (Carter & Aulette, 2009). During the

colonial era, Kriolu was denigrated as an “low-status dialect” and prohibited in official

settings to maintain a social distance between the colonizer and the colonized (Carter &

Aulette, 2009, p. 217). Cabral and the PAIGC strategically utilized Creole as a weapon

for mobilization and literacy, bridging the gap between the revolutionary leadership and

the illiterate rural masses (African Information Service, 1973; Fonseca, 2025).

His work continues to influence global anti-colonial strategies and Africana critical theory,

offering a powerful critique of neo-colonialism and flag independence (Rabaka, 2014; van

Veen, 2016). His legacy ensures that the cultural soul of Cabo Verde remains a dynamic

force for social justice, rooted in the lived experiences of its people and its land (el

Nabolsy, 2019; Saraiva, 2022). As Cabo Verde continues its journey toward balanced

bilingualism and full social realization, Cabral’s ideology remains the guiding light for a

people who have re-conquered their history and their dignity. He remains, in the words

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of his own philosophy, a simple African man whose duty changed the course of history

for his people and the world (African Information Service, 1973).

Conclusion

Amílcar Cabral’s revolutionary idealism reshaped Cabo Verdean identity as he recognized

that the struggle for national liberation should be understood as both a political and a

social struggle, of which culture is the main component. He argued that national liberation

was not just a military and administrative change but a social and cultural revolution.

National liberation required an act of culture to overcome the cultural alienation and the

social gap established by the colonial administration. By treating culture as the fruit of

history, Cabral was able to turn the independence process into an ontological struggle

that allowed Cabo Verdeans to recover their historical personality and thus be

protagonists of their own history and no longer mere pawns of the colonizers' game

(Cabral, 1970; el Nabolsy, 2019; Magubane, 1971; van Veen, 2016).

The idea of the re-Africanization of the mind, or the return to the source, was a key point

in Cabral's legacy and was specifically targeted at the alienated native elites and petty

bourgeoisie of colonial assimilation (Cabral, 1973; Davidson, 1984). Cabral urged them

to carry out class suicide in order to give up their colonial privileges and status of

assimilados and become identified with the dreams of the masses (Cabral, 1973; Chabal,

1981). This was not an elitist back to the past, but a critical recovery and reinvention of

cultural values to sustain a modern autonomous society (van Veen, 2016). This approach

characterized identity as a dynamic synthesis of spiritual and material elements in

constant transformation, which permitted Cabo Verdeans to see their mixed identities

not as "atavism" from the colonial past, but as the basis for national solidarity and

revolution (Cabral, 1970; el Nabolsy, 2019; Saraiva, 2022).

His most evident and lasting contribution to the contemporary Cabo Verdean society is

undoubtedly his view on language which laid out the complexities and challenges inherent

in the relationship between Cabo Verdean Creole (Kriolu) and Portuguese (Carter &

Aulette, 2009). He dignified Kriolu which he saw as once "shunned and denigrated" by

the colonial administration as an element that would facilitate national unity and as an

intellectual weapon in the process of mobilization and literacy (Carter & Aulette, 2009,

p. 213; Saraiva, 2022; African Information Service, 1973; Fonseca, 2025). But the world

reality made him realize also that the Portuguese language represented a fundamental

asset, a passage for the global community as well access to vast available scientific

knowledge, modernization and international diplomacy (Cabral, 1979; el Nabolsy, 2019;

Cabral, 2016). This position gave rise to the present policy of total bilingualism in the

formal education system which consists of introducing mother tongue into the formal

schooling along with Portuguese to facilitate the learning process and guarantee social

equality (Cardoso et al., 2025; van Veen, 2016).

In the end Cabral has been hailed posthumously as the founder of the nationality, a

testament to his role as the instigator of a process whereby two peoples came to consider

themselves one historical agent (Davidson, 1984; Wick, 2006). His binationalist vision,

although later abandoned in the political lives of Guinea-Bissau and Cabo Verde, paved

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the way to an African solidarity through anti-imperialism and social justice (Lopes &

Barros, 2020; Wick, 2006). It is the ideal of the New Man and the New Woman; those

who have gained a revolutionary conscience and are thus able to transcend colonial

alienation which will become the final goal of the Cabo Verdean endeavour (Chabal, 1981;

Cabral, 1970; Fonseca, 2025). His blend of revolutionary thought and action guaranteed

that the cultural essence of Cabo Verde would remain a vital force, grounded in its people

and soil, forever characterizing him as a 'simple African man' who changed the course of

history (African Information Service, 1973; el Nabolsy, 2019; Saraiva, 2022).

Amílcar Cabral’s transformative leadership fundamentally redefined Cabo Verdean

identity by placing culture at the absolute centre of the political and social struggle for

liberation (Cabral, 1970; Wick, 2006). He remains one of the most towering figures in

African history, celebrated not merely as a military strategist who led the African Party

for the Independence of Guinea and Cabo Verde (PAIGC) to victory, but as a profound

cultural theorist whose ideas regarding radical realism continue to resonate globally

(Lopes & Barros, 2020; Hamilton, 2021). For Cabo Verde, a nation forged at the complex

and often painful intersection of Portuguese ultra-colonialism and West African heritage,

Cabral provided more than a political platform; he provided a crucial roadmap for

reclaiming a suppressed soul and a marginalized history (Mendy, 2019).

For Cabral, decolonization was not just a "Changing of the Guards" - replacing a white

elite with a black one - but a total social and cultural transformation (Magubane, 1971,

p. 72). As Cabral put it, for colonizers to be able to guarantee their supremacy over the

colonies, they only have two options. These involve eradicating all members of the

populace or ruling over them without losing their culture. However, because history has

proved that supremacy and retention of culture cannot go hand-in-hand, colonizers opt

for sustained cultural suppression (Cabral, 1970). Thus, the fight for independence was

an ontological reclamation, a means for the Cabo Verdeans to bring back their personality

root and return to history as subjects and not objects of colonial whim (el Nabolsy, 2019;

Magubane, 1971).

His humanist conception of science allowed him to perceive the socio-economic structures

of colonial exploitation through the literal land, ensuring that the cultural identity he

sought to build was rooted in the lived experiences of the peasantry rather than the

abstract ideals of the urban elite (Neves, 2017; Saraiva, 2022). This grounding in reality

remains a powerful critique of neo-colonialism, as it emphasizes that true sovereignty

requires the liberation of a nation’s productive forces and its cultural autonomy (Cabral,

1970; Wick, 2006).

Cabral’s influence continues to inspire modern educational programs, such as the Si ka

fila tudu, ta fila un ponta project, which seeks to integrate the Kriolu into formal schooling

alongside Portuguese (Cardoso et al., 2025). These initiatives respond to Cabral’s vision

of balanced bilingualism, acknowledging that education in the first language improves

learning outcomes and promotes social equity by allowing children to ask questions and

learn naturally (Cardoso et al., 2025). Through highlighting the importance of respect for

both languages, and the creation of Kriolu as a respectable subject through teaching and

grammar, the educational system successfully undermines the dominance of the colonial

language hierarchy in culture (Cardoso et al., 2025; Santos et al., 2024).

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