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ALLIANCE DILEMMAS UNDER THE TRUMP ADMINISTRATION: ABANDONMENT,
ENTRAPMENT, AND SOUTH KOREA’S STRATEGIC CHOICES
SUNGHWAH KO
sko2392@naver.com
Assistant Professor in the Division of Liberal Arts at Cheongju University (South Korea). She
received her M.A. in International Peace Studies from the University for Peace, Costa Rica and
her Ph.D. from Hankuk University of Foreign Studies. Her research focuses on Northeast Asian
security, security dynamics on the Korean Peninsula, and the ROKU.S. alliance.
Abstract
This study examines the evolution of alliance dynamics under the Trump administration, with
particular attention to the South Korean case and its implications for U.S. alliances. Drawing
on developments in U.S. foreign policy and allied responses, it argues that recent shifts have
significantly altered perceptions of alliance reliability. The administration’s approach—marked
by unpredictability and unconventional communicationhas intensified allied uncertainty,
reshaping strategic expectations and behavior. In the case of South Korea, these dynamics
have contributed to a reassessment of strategic dependence and a growing emphasis on self-
reliant defense capabilities. The study conceptualizes alliance dilemmas through the twin risks
of abandonment and entrapment, where allies must balance the danger of being left
unprotected against the risk of being drawn into unwanted conflicts. Applying this framework
to the South Korean case, the analysis shows how heightened uncertainty under the Trump
administration reinforced both concerns: fears of abandonment encouraged greater
consideration of autonomous defense strategies, while concerns over entrapment highlighted
the potential costs of alliance commitments, particularly in crisis scenarios involving regional
escalation. Building on these findings, the study argues that alliance dynamics under
conditions of uncertainty have broader implications for U.S. hegemony and the stability of the
alliance system. The erosion of trust in U.S. commitments has contributed to a shift toward
strategic autonomy among allies, challenging the cohesion of the hub-and-spokes structure.
At the same time, the emergence of coordinated allied responses suggests that alliance politics
are increasingly shaped by perceptions of leadership credibility rather than material
asymmetries alone. These trends underscore the centrality of predictability and trust in
sustaining alliance stability and, by extension, the durability of U.S. hegemonic leadership.
Keywords
Alliance Dilemma, U.S. Alliances, Trump Administration, South Korea, Strategic Autonomy.
Resumo
Este estudo analisa a evolução da dinâmica das alianças sob a administração Trump, com
especial destaque para o caso da Coreia do Sul e as suas implicações para as alianças dos
EUA. Com base na evolução da política externa dos EUA e nas reações dos aliados, defende
que as recentes mudanças alteraram significativamente as perceções quanto à fiabilidade das
alianças. A abordagem da administração marcada pela imprevisibilidade e por uma
comunicação não convencional intensificou a incerteza dos aliados, remodelando as
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Alliance Dilemmas Under the Trump Administration: Abandonment, Entrapment, and South
Korea’s Strategic Choices
Sunghwah Ko
25
expectativas e o comportamento estratégicos. No caso da Coreia do Sul, estas dinâmicas
contribuíram para uma reavaliação da dependência estratégica e para uma ênfase crescente
nas capacidades de defesa autossuficientes. O estudo conceptualiza os dilemas da aliança
através dos riscos duplos de abandono e aprisionamento, em que os aliados devem equilibrar
o perigo de ficarem desprotegidos com o risco de serem arrastados para conflitos indesejados.
Aplicando este quadro ao caso da Coreia do Sul, a análise mostra como a incerteza acentuada
sob a administração Trump reforçou ambas as preocupações: os receios de abandono
encorajaram uma maior consideração de estratégias de defesa autónomas, enquanto as
preocupações com o aprisionamento destacaram os custos potenciais dos compromissos da
aliança, particularmente em cenários de crise que envolvem uma escalada regional. Com base
nestas conclusões, o estudo argumenta que a dinâmica das alianças em condições de
incerteza tem implicações mais amplas para a hegemonia dos EUA e a estabilidade do sistema
de alianças. A erosão da confiança nos compromissos dos EUA contribuiu para uma mudança
no sentido da autonomia estratégica entre os aliados, desafiando a coesão da estrutura «hub-
and-spokes». Ao mesmo tempo, o surgimento de respostas aliadas coordenadas sugere que
a política de alianças é cada vez mais moldada por perceções de credibilidade da liderança,
em vez de apenas por assimetrias materiais. Estas tendências sublinham a centralidade da
previsibilidade e da confiança na manutenção da estabilidade das alianças e, por extensão,
da durabilidade da liderança hegemónica dos EUA.
Palavras-chave
Dilema das Alianças, Alianças dos EUA, Administração Trump, Coreia do Sul, Autonomia
Estratégica.
How to cite this article
Ko, Sunghwah (2026). Alliance Dilemmas Under the Trump Administration: Abandonment,
Entrapment, and South Korea’s Strategic Choices. Janus.net, e-journal of international relations
VOL. 17 Nº. 1, TD 1 Thematic Dossier The Korean Peninsula in a Global Context: Security,
Culture, and Transnational Perspectives, June 2026, pp. 24-40. DOI
https://doi.org/10.26619/1647-7251.DT0426.2
Article submitted on February 14, 2025 and accepted for publication on March 30, 2026.
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Korea’s Strategic Choices
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ALLIANCE DILEMMAS UNDER THE TRUMP ADMINISTRATION:
ABANDONMENT, ENTRAPMENT, AND SOUTH KOREA’S
STRATEGIC CHOICES
SUNGHWAH KO
Introduction
U.S. Leadership and Alliance Challenges under Trump
From the Cold War through the postCold War period, and now in the context of a
possible New Cold War, the United States has sought to sustain the international order it
constructed. This effort has involved shifting its strategic focus across regions and, when
necessary, recalibrating its commitments by redirecting resources inward. Despite these
adjustments, one element has remained constant: the United States has continued to
view itself as the leader of the international order. It has also retained a sense of duty
associated with its role as a global security provider, regardless of fluctuations in its
relative power. Over time, its long-standing allies and partnersalthough not always
experiencing favorable conditionshave generally supported the direction of U.S.
leadership, sometimes alongside it and at other times in a more supportive capacity.
Today, the world is experiencing the second term of President Donald Trump. The
accumulated costs of sustaining a global security role have contributed to a relative
decline in U.S. power, and in this context, President Trump’s representative slogans such
as “Make America Great Again” and “America First” reflect a broader strategic rationale.
However, as these ideas have been translated into policy, the U.S. has increasingly
moved away from the center of global governance and the existing international order.
The Trump administration places less emphasis on international issues and collective
problem-solving, leaving states more frequently to manage their own or international
challenges. This tendency is particularly visible in the security domain, where reduced
U.S. engagement has, in some cases, left allies exposed or effectively abandoned. At the
same time, as the U.S. distances itself from long-standing partners, it has occasionally
shown ambiguity in distinguishing between allies and adversaries.
In the meantime, the administration maintains a strongly U.S.-centered approach in its
expectations toward allies. When cooperation is deemed necessary, it relies on pressure
to enforce burden-sharing. The difficulty, however, is that such pressure often places
allies in situations they neither prefer nor willingly accept, thereby creating conditions of
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entrapment. The administration appears to assume that when it initiates competition or
conflict with adversaries, the associated costs should be shared by its allies. In some
cases, these situations emerge from highly contingent or individualized decision-making
processes. Regardless of the legitimacy of such conflicts, and irrespective of whether
allied consensus exists, the U.S. has at times framed its demands in terms of repayment
for past security commitments.
Under these conditions, long-standing U.S. allies are increasingly uneasy with what they
perceive as indiscriminate pressure and an asymmetrical alliance relationship.
Additionally, as the U.S. appears to retreat from its traditional role in maintaining the
international orderwithout presenting a clear alternative visionother states are
reassessing their strategic direction. A broader shift toward self-help is becoming more
evident, accompanied by a stronger emphasis on national interest and growing
skepticism regarding the credibility of U.S. security guarantees. As a result, efforts to
strengthen autonomous defense capabilities are intensifying. Against this backdrop, this
study examines, the risks of abandonment and entrapment under the Trump
administration from the perspective of South Korea, through the framework of the
alliance dilemma.
Research Frame: Alliance Dilemma
Although the scope of the term ‘alliance’ has recently expanded to encompass multiple
domainsincluding military, economic, and energy cooperationits underlying logic and
ultimate purpose remain closely tied to state survival and the use of military power.
K In an anarchic international system, states prioritize survival above all else. As Kenneth
Waltz (1979) argues, security constitutes the primary objective of states, as only when
survival is ensured can they pursue other goals such as economic gain or political
influence. Building on this logic, Stephen Walt (1989) explains that alliances are formed
primarily in response to external threats. States facing such threats seek to aggregate
power through cooperation in order to deter or counter potential adversaries.
Walt further conceptualizes alliances as formal or informal arrangements for security
cooperation among states, designed to enhance the power, security, and influence of
their members. (Walt, 2009) In a similar vein, Glenn Snyder (1990) defines alliances as
formal associations oriented toward the use or restraint of military force, intended to
advance the security or broader interests of member states in relation to specific
adversaries. Taken together, these perspectives highlight that alliances are
fundamentally instruments for strengthening security, power, and military capability.
This study adopts the concept of the ‘alliance dilemma’ developed by Glenn Snyder, which
builds upon and extends Waltz’s ‘Balance of power’ and Walt’s ‘Balance of threat’
frameworks. Snyder (1984) conceptualizes alliance politics in terms of the dual risks of
abandonment and entrapment, which vary according to the level of commitment among
allied states. When a state demonstrates a high level of commitment to an alliance, the
risk of abandonment by its partner tends to decrease. However, this also increases the
likelihood of entrapment in conflicts initiated by the ally. Conversely, when commitment
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to an alliance is weak, the risk of entrapment declines, but the probability of
abandonment increases (Snyder, 1984).
Alliance Abandonment risk under the Trump Administration
Burden-Sharing and Conditional Alliance Commitment
U.S. military forces are stationed across various regions of the world, and South Korea
is no exception. Since the establishment of the alliance following the Korean War in 1953,
U.S. Forces Korea (USFK) have remained a central component of the bilateral security
arrangement. Over the course of this alliance, the possibility of troop withdrawal or
reduction has repeatedly emerged as a policy option in last 70 years (Ko, 2004). Such
discussions are therefore not new. However, under the Trump administration, this issue
gained renewed salience. Reports suggest that President Trump at one point considered
the complete withdrawal of U.S. forces from South Korea, although this proposal was
ultimately constrained by internal opposition within the administration ((Lee et al., 2018,
as cited in Longo, 2026).
In addition, the Trump administration departed from previous approaches by demanding
a substantial increase in defense cost-sharing. This was not merely a matter of financial
burden. Rather, it reflected a broader tendency to treat the alliance as a transactional
arrangement, thereby devaluing its strategic and normative foundations. Trump’s
rhetoric frequently relied on costbenefit calculations, reducing alliance relations to
quantifiable terms. Such an approach fails to capture the non-material dimensions of the
alliance, including trust, shared commitment, and the historical depth of bilateral
cooperation. Moreover, these statements were often presented without clear
methodological grounding, which contributed to uncertainty among allied partners. The
use of striking numerical claims, seemingly intended to strengthen bargaining leverage,
was at times perceived as dismissive or even humiliating by the counterpart.
For example, Trump once remarked that “getting US$1 billion from South Korea was
easier than collecting rent from a Brooklyn apartment,” a statement that appears to have
been aimed at mobilizing domestic political support (Hwang, 2019). At the same time, it
conveyed an implicit expectation that South Korea should accept a subordinate position
in security negotiations while bearing a greater financial burden. This pattern persisted
in subsequent political discourse. During later campaign periods, South Korea continued
to be portrayed as underpaying, and was even described as a “money machine,”
alongside repeated references to sharply increased financial demands (Kim & Lee, 2024).
In practice, South Korea responded to these pressures by negotiating the initially
proposed cost-sharing levels downward, while still agreeing to a significant increase
(Statistics Korea, n.d.). This outcome can be interpreted as an effort to mitigate the risk
of abandonment by maintaining the credibility of the alliance commitment.
Beyond direct financial demands, the administration also signaled a willingness to link
economic cooperation to security considerations. The KoreaU.S. Free Trade Agreement
(KORUS FTA) was at times framed in terms that suggested the possibility of termination,
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implying that economic relations could be leveraged to extract concessions in the security
domain (Lester et al., 2019). While the U.S. had previously exerted pressure on South
Korea’s autonomy in times of crisissuch as during the 1997 Asian financial crisisthese
instances were primarily driven by economic considerations (Ko, 2024). In contrast,
under the Trump administration, security commitments themselves appeared to function
as a form of leverage.
Taken together, these findings indicate a shift toward a transactional understanding of
alliances, in which economic pressure is used to shape security outcomes. This approach
reinforces the perception that alliance ties are conditional rather than stable. It suggests
that if expected economic terms are not met, the alliance may become a point of
vulnerability. In this sense, the credibility of U.S. security commitments is increasingly
subject to negotiation, thereby heightening concerns over abandonment within the
alliance.
Selective Engagement and Alliance Marginalization
South Korea experienced what was widely described as ‘Korea passing,’ a development
that reflected a diminished recognition of its value as an ally. Beginning in 2018, President
Moon Jae-in actively pursued engagement with North Korea. Through inter-Korean
summits, South Korea played a key role in bringing North Korea to the negotiating table
on denuclearization and in facilitating a summit between Kim Jong Un and President
Trump. In structural terms, the configuration was relatively straightforward. Although
three actors were involved, it was expected that South Korea and the U.S. would
coordinate as allies in negotiating with a common adversary. Previous rounds of
denuclearization diplomacy had also demonstrated that close coordination between Seoul
and Washington was essential, even when their specific preferences diverged.
In this case, however, the two allies approached the issue from different starting points.
South Korea prioritized the improvement of inter-Korean relations as a pathway toward
denuclearization, whereas the Trump administration treated denuclearization itself as the
primary objective. Despite these differences, sustained communication would have been
necessary if the two countries were to act as a unified negotiating partner. In practice,
however, the process unfolded differently. South Korea, despite being a central
stakeholder and a key facilitator of the talks, was largely excluded from the core
negotiations, which proceeded in a bilateral format between the U.S. and North Korea.
The resulting outcome—often referred to as ‘Korea passing’can be attributed, in part,
to the persistent gap in preferences between the parties.
The significance of this episode lies not only in the failure of the negotiations, but also in
what it revealed about alliance coordination. Having experienced repeated difficulties in
advancing North Korean denuclearization, South Korea and the U.S. faced a context in
20182019 that required careful and coordinated alliance management. Instead of close
consultation, however, South Korea was, in effect, ‘deliberately’ sidelined. This suggests
that when policy preferences diverge, the U.S. may choose to act independently rather
than pursue alignment within the alliance framework (Song, 2024). For South Korea, it
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implied that even as a directly affected party and formal ally, its position could be
disregarded when it did not align with U.S. intentions.
This dynamic became more visible with the U.S.North Korea summit held in Singapore.
During this period, President Trump made several statements that raised concerns about
alliance management. In particular, he expressed a desire to withdraw U.S. forces
stationed in South Korea and referred to joint U.S.South Korea military exercises as
‘war games,’ subsequently announcing their suspension. These remarks were made
without prior consultation with South Korea and did not follow established coordination
procedures within the alliance (Borger, 2018). Such actions suggest that alliance
commitments can be treated as instruments of negotiation and used as leverage
depending on the counterpart. This dynamic is particularly notable given that the
negotiation counterpart was North Koreaan actor defined as a common adversary
alongside South Korea, and one that President Trump had previously provoked by
referring to its leader as “rocket man.” This contrast highlights the impulsive and
unpredictable nature of his approach.
Taken together, the overall developments indicate that the U.S. under the Trump
administration, at times treated South Korea less as a partner in joint strategy and more
as a subordinate actor within a hierarchical relationship. This pattern is consistent with
theoretical expectations that a major power providing security guarantees may seek to
constrain the autonomy of its ally. In this context, the unilateral and coercive aspects of
U.S. policy signaled the possibility of abandonment, contributing to a situation in which
South Korea faced pressure to accommodate U.S. preferences (Jo & Park, 2026).
South Korea’s choice under the signals of abandonment
At the outset of President Trump’s first term, U.S. allies and partners closely observed
his campaign rhetoric, which often appeared to downplay the value of alliances and frame
them in terms of economic gains and losses. Trump expressed a firm belief that U.S.
allies were engaging in free-riding, and his direct, often improvised statements
frequently made without adherence to established proceduresgenerated uncertainty
regarding the future direction of U.S. policy.
This concern was reinforced early in his presidency as the U.S. suddenly withdrew from
several multilateral agreements, including the Paris Climate Agreement, the Iran nuclear
deal (JCPOA), and the CPTPP (Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-
Pacific Partnership). These actions contributed to the perception that U.S. commitments
could be reversed unpredictably. As a result, even alliance commitmentstraditionally
grounded in trust and shared security interestsappeared vulnerable to reassessment
based on cost–benefit calculations. The proposal known as ‘Cost Plus 50,’ which called
for a substantial increase in allied contributions, further amplified these concerns
(Pettyjohn, 2019). Under such conditions, U.S. allies faced a situation in which failure to
meet economic expectations could lead to severe consequences, including the risk of
abandonment.
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South Korea also was not an exception. The Korean Peninsula has remained in a state of
armistice for more than seventy years, with North Korea continuing to advance its nuclear
capabilities. As a signatory to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), South Korea
has adhered to non-nuclear commitments while remaining fully aware of the costs
associated with nuclear armament. Under conditions of persistent nuclear asymmetry,
South Korea has no other option but to rely on the U.S. nuclear umbrella as a central
component of its security. In this context, the Trump administration’s perceived
willingness to downplay South Korea’s security concernsalong with the possibility that
its survival might not be consistently prioritized, or could be treated as a bargaining
instrument in negotiations with other statesgenerated both concern and heightened
threat perception within South Korean society.
During his first term, the alliance appeared to loosen to a noticeable degree. The
subsequent administration under President Joe Biden sought to restore alliance cohesion
and reaffirm solidarity. The U.S. and South Korea reiterated their commitment to a robust
bilateral alliance and also pursued expanded trilateral security cooperation with Japan.
However, it is difficult to conclude that the decline in trust experienced during the
previous period was fully reversed. With the return of a second Trump administration,
South Korea again faces uncertainty regarding U.S. policy direction. This concern is
shaped not only by prior experience during the first term, but also by the expectation
that institutional or political constraints on presidential decision-making may be weaker,
thereby allowing for more unilateral and less predictable actions. In this context, the
intensity of Trump’s rhetoric and pressure is expected to persist, if not increase.
With the return of a second Trump administration, South Korea was once again
confronted with fears stemming from policy unpredictability. These concerns were not
entirely new, but had already been internalized during the first term. At the same time,
the second administration brought an additional dimension of uncertainty. Compared to
the earlier period, there was a growing perception that fewer institutional or political
constraints existed to moderate President Trump’s unilateral rhetoric and decision-
making, reinforcing expectations of more unrestrained and assertive behavior.
Furthermore, the intensity of his rhetoric and pressure was not expected to ease; if
anything, it was anticipated to escalate rather than moderate.
Through these developments, South Korea came to recognize that alliance commitments
are not unconditional and may be subject to abandonment. This realization underscored
the risks of relying exclusively on the U.S. for security. Even as efforts were made to
repair the existing strains within the alliance, the resolve to strengthen autonomous
defense capabilities had already intensified.
As North Korea’s nuclear program continued to advance, public support in South Korea
for either indigenous nuclear development or the redeployment of U.S. nuclear weapons
had already been substantial, at times exceeding 50 percent (Sun, 2024). Although this
result showed some fluctuations, survey outcomes indicate that the experience of the
first Trump administration contributed to a significant increase in such preferences,
largely driven by heightened concerns over abandonment (Lee et al., 2023; Chung,
2024). In sum, the signals of potential abandonment under the Trump administration
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generated both a sense of insecurity and a growing conclusion within South Korea that a
greater degree of strategic autonomy from its ally was necessary.
Alliance Entrapment risk under the Trump Administration
Escalatory Rhetoric toward North Korea and Risks South Korea faced
From the outset of his presidency, Trump appeared unwilling to tolerate regimes pursuing
illicit nuclear proliferation. In retrospect, even in the early phase of the first term, the
Trump administration considered the use of military force as a possible option to halt
North Korea’s nuclear and missile programs. The U.S. had previously refrained from using
force against North Koreadespite its relative weakness in conventional termsnot only
because of the anticipated costs of war or the potential involvement of regional powers
such as China and Russia, but also due to concerns over the significant damage that
would be inflicted on South Korea. Given the shared historical and political context on
the Korean Peninsula, U.S. policy had traditionally taken into account South Korea’s
position.
However, the Trump administration introduced a different approach by placing greater
emphasis on the military option in addressing the North Korean nuclear issue, which had
long been managed through non-military means such as sanctions, deterrence, and
diplomatic engagement (Power, 2017). At the same time, North Korea’s nuclear and
missile capabilities coincidentally advanced rapidly, contributing to a qualitative
escalation of the crisis.
In July 2017, North Korea successfully tested an intercontinental ballistic missile (ICBM),
raising concerns that U.S. territories, including Alaska and Guam, had entered its range
(Karako & Williams, 2017). In response, President Trump issued a strong warning to
North Korea, including the well-known “fire and fury” statement, which implied the
possibility of preemptive action. North Korea responded in kind, issuing statements that
signaled its willingness to strike the U.S. mainland. Compared to previous
administrations, which had tended to rely on calibrated and restrained language to avoid
escalation, Trump’s rhetoric was widely viewed by experts as unusually emotional and
extreme. This raised concerns that such language could increase the risk of
miscalculation and misunderstanding at a critical level of tension (Hirschfeld, 2017).
Subsequently, North Korea continued its weapons development, launching ICBMs
assessed to be capable of carrying nuclear warheads and conducting its sixth nuclear
test. In response, President Trump further escalated his rhetoric, including references to
a possible ‘bloody nose’ strike. As the situation intensified, the level of confrontation
between the U.S. and North Korea continued to rise without clear limits. Under these
conditions, South Korea and Japanboth located within close proximity to the potential
conflict zonefaced the risk of being entrapped in a rapidly escalating crisis driven by
U.S.North Korea confrontation.
Concerns also emerged within the United States regarding the risks posed to allied states
in East Asia, as well as opposition to the level of escalation associated with the Trump
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administration’s approach (Cha,2018). In response, South Korean President Moon Jae-
in, as a directly affected party, sought to reduce tensions between the U.S. and North
Korea. In order to avoid entrapment in a potential conflict and to prevent further
escalation toward war on the Korean Peninsula, he emphasized that military conflict was
unacceptable. At the same time, he pursued engagement with North Korea while
maintaining communication with the U.S., ultimately facilitating the conditions for
trilateral summit, despite the abandonment that later emerged in the negotiation
process.
Unilateral Escalation in Iran and Entrapment Pressures on Allies
During President Trump’s tenure, there were numerous consequential developments in
U.S. relations with other states. Among them, one of the most destabilizing events
generating widespread concern among multiple countrieswas the U.S. strike against
Iran in 2026. Although this occurred approximately one year into the second Trump
administration, the conditions leading to such an outcome can be traced back to 2018,
when the U.S. unilaterally withdrew from the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action
(JCPOA). From that point onward, it became increasingly foreseeable that U.S. allies
involved in the agreement could face risks of entrapment.
The JCPOA was originally a multilateral agreement involving six major powersthe U.S.,
China, Russia, the United Kingdom, France, and Germanynegotiated with Iran.
Following its implementation, continuous monitoring by the International Atomic Energy
Agency (IAEA) did not produce conclusive evidence that Iran had violated the agreement
(International Atomic Energy Agency, 2017). Nevertheless, the Trump administration
assessed the terms of the JCPOA as insufficient and announced a unilateral withdrawal.
At one level, this decision disregarded the positions of other participating states, including
key U.S. allies such as the United Kingdom, France, and Germany. More broadly, it can
be interpreted as a move of abandonment within the alliance context. Furthermore, the
lack of clearly substantiated justification for this decision led to reluctance among allied
states to support the reimposition of sanctions against Iran (Jakes & Sanger, 2020). This,
in turn, contributed to concerns that major foreign policy decisions of the U.S. were being
driven by individual leadership preferences, thereby undermining trust among states (De
Witte & Gabel, 2018).
Following the collapse of the agreement, tensions between the U.S. and Iran escalated.
Iran responded through actions such as the seizure of oil tankers in the Strait of Hormuz.
In addition, Saudi Arabiaone of the U.S. key partners in the Middle Easthad already
experienced attacks on its oil facilities, including the 2019 strike on Aramco. In response,
the Trump administration implemented maximum-level sanctions and carried out military
actions, including the targeted killing of Qasem Soleimani, widely regarded as a senior
Iranian military figure. Although these developments did not escalate into full-scale war,
they significantly heightened military tensions. In parallel, Iran accelerated its nuclear
activities following the breakdown of the agreement and subsequent attacks, expanding
uranium enrichment capabilities and operating advanced centrifuges.
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Under the Biden administration, efforts were made to revive nuclear negotiations with
Iran, but these attempts met repeated cycles of progress and suspension, ultimately
failing to accomplish a renewed agreement. At the end of Biden’s administration, renewed
instability in the Middle East emerged following Hamas’s attack on Israel. Shortly after
returning to office in 2025, President Trump initiated a new round of nuclear negotiations
with Iran. However, within a short periodreportedly as soon as the following month
the U.S. launched a surprise strike on Iranian nuclear facilities using bunker-buster
munitions. Subsequently, the Trump administration justified further military action by
claiming the detection of an “imminent threat,” conducting joint strikes with Israel that
targeted senior Iranian leadership, including Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei. In response,
Iran warned that the U.S. had crossed a critical red line, and the possibility of direct
U.S.Iran war became a tangible reality observed by the international community.
At present, Iran has moved to exert control over the Strait of Hormuz, posing a severe
military threat by restricting the passage of oil tankers belonging to the U.S. and its allies
and partners. Contrary to earlier expectations by the Trump administration that the
situation would be resolved quickly, this development introduced an unanticipated level
of disruption. In the end, the U.S. called upon its alliesincluding European countries,
South Korea, and Japanto participate in the case more actively. However, when
European states, particularly those within NATO, collectively declined to engage, the
Trump administration defined his call as a “test” of alliance commitment and proceeded
to explore ceasefire negotiations with Iran independently.
This sequence of events illustrates the extent to which the Trump administration
approached alliances in instrumental and asymmetric terms. The decision to strike Iran
was marked by a lack of transparent justification and proceeded without sufficient
domestic support or prior consultation with allied states. Only after encountering strategic
difficulties did the administration turn to its allies, not through cooperative coordination,
but through pressure framed as requests for deployment, thereby attempting to draw
them into the conflict. Given Iran’s geopolitical significance in global energy security,
allied states had strong incentives to approach such involvement extra cautiously not to
be entrapped together.
In the case of South Korea, dependence on imported energy reaches approximately 90
percent, with around 70 percent of oil imports passing through the Strait of Hormuz. As
tensions escalated, oil prices rose by approximately 20 percent within two weeks
compared to pre-crisis levels. Although the South Korean government sought to respond,
the prolonged nature of the conflictcontrary to initial U.S. expectationsled to rising
costs in oil-related products, including rubber and plastics, as well as increased exchange
rate volatility. These effects are directly hitting the public. While the Iranian ambassador
to South Korea stated that South Korea is not a hostile state, he also implicitly suggested
that non-cooperation with the U.S. would be conditional for this position (Seo, 2026).
In this context, the reluctance of allies to participate in military deployment was met by
the Trump administration’s characterization of the situation as a test of commitment.
This framing, alongside attempts to reduce a matter involving national survival and
human security to rhetorical positioning, can be interpreted as reflecting a diminished
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regard for alliance relationships. As of March 28, 2026, President Trump issued
statements indicating that the United States would “remember” those countries
including South Koreathat had not deployed naval forces to the Strait of Hormuz,
signaling pressure on allies to share responsibility by becoming involved in the conflict.
In this context, considering the situation where the allied states are put in seriously
difficult position to gladly support military deployment, President Trump framing the
situation as a test of alliance commitment represents both the pressure and devaluation
of alliance. Addressing an issue involving national survival and the lives of citizens in this
manner can be interpreted as indicating a diminished regard for the alliance. As of March
28, 2026, the administration also signaled pressure toward countriesincluding South
Koreaagain that had not dispatched naval forces to the Strait of Hormuz, stating that
he would “remember” their decisions, while attempting to draw them into the conflict
and share the burden of responsibility.
South Korea’s choice under the signals of abandonment
The first Trump administration marked the period in which strategic competition between
the U.S. and China became more pronounced. In effect, the intensifying U.S.China
rivalry placed many allied states in a difficult position, as they were implicitly pressured
to align with one side. For many allies, this created an untenable dilemma: either distance
themselves from China—one of the world’s largest economic powers—and align with the
U.S., thereby risking entrapment in great-power competition, or face the possibility of
being labeled disloyal and subjected to abandonment by the Trump administration.
Nevertheless, this study does not treat U.S.China competition as a central case of
entrapment. At least, it can be understood as part of a broader and largely unavoidable
structural shift in the international order. Despite the confrontational nature of its
implementation, such competition was widely regarded as a rational and, to some extent,
legitimate course of action for the U.S., whether as a hegemonic power or as a principal
architect of the existing international order. Although the Trump administration did not
consistently frame this rivalry in terms of defending the liberal international order, the
overall directionmaintaining a U.S.-led order and responding to a perceived primary
threatremained aligned with long-standing strategic objectives. For this reason, it was,
at least in part, a development that could be understood in rational terms.
By contrast, other cases reflected decisions whose justification was less clearly
established, leading other states into heightened tension alongside the U.S. In some
instances, these actions appeared less defensive in nature and more offensive, while also
lacking transparency and facing domestic opposition within the U.S. itself. Despite these
concerns, the Trump administration continued to exert pressure on allies to participate
in addressing such crises. First, the U.S. in practice pressuredor indirectly compelled
allies to become involved in complex and high-risk situations. Second, even in cases
where direct participation was avoided, U.S. actions contributed to the creation of
security environments that posed both direct and indirect threats to allied states.
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Following the Iran crisis, for example, U.S. military assets stationed in South Korea
including systems such as THAAD, which had been deployed at significant economic cost
due to Chinese retaliationwere reportedly redeployed to the Middle East. During this
period, North Korea continued its missile tests and military demonstrations. Amid
growing concerns over a potential security vacuum, South Korean President Lee Jae-
myung emphasized once again the necessity of strengthening autonomous defense
capabilities. This included caution against excessive reliance on the U.S. and calls for the
timely transfer of wartime operational control (Lee, 2026).
More broadly, Trump administration’s decision makings and overall remarks suggest that
the survival of allied states was definitely not consistently treated as a primary
consideration. In some cases, U.S. actions brought outcomes that were favorable to
actors previously regarded as threatsnot only to the liberal international order but also
to U.S. allies themselves. Such consequences were controversial for other allied states
to accept on rational or strategic grounds. Moreover, there appeared to be insufficient
consideration of whose security and survival were being placed at risk. These patterns
can be understood less as outcomes of a coherent and institutionalized U.S. foreign
policy, and more as consequences of President Trump’s individualized and often
unpredictable rhetoric and decision-making.
Now, the world is raising a fundamental question: when a geographically distant power
such as the U.S. generates conditions that heighten security risks for its regional allies,
to what extent are those allies willing to bear such risks? Furthermore, even in the event
of direct military involvement by the U.S., there remained a credible concern that the
U.S. will only prioritize its own interests over those of its allies. In this context,
heightened tensions with North Korea or also gave rise to concerns about the potential
for alliance decoupling, reflecting a logically grounded apprehension among regional
partners (Panda, 2017).
Implication: The Alliance Dilemma and the Erosion of U.S. Hegemonic
Leadership
First, the U.S.’s long-standing allies appear to be experiencing a decline in trust toward
the U.S. However, such a conclusion should not be drawn hastily. The dynamics in U.S.
alliance relations since 2012 must be understood in light of individual leadership factors,
particularly the personal characteristics and decision-making style of President Trump.
At the same time, it is necessary to acknowledge that within the U.S., there have also
been political forcessuch as the Biden administrationthat have sought to prioritize
alliances and strengthen solidarity.
Nevertheless, over the past decade, U.S. allies have directly encountered a fundamental
reality of international politics: that alliances are not permanent, even among long-
standing partners. The decades of effort, trust-building, and institutionalization of a
liberal international order and regional security architecture since World War II have been
relatively undervalued, while the possibility of abandonment has become more visible
and explicit. As a result, allies have increasingly sought strategies for survival
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independent of the U.S., leading to efforts to reduce dependence and strengthen
domestic capabilities.
At the same time, under conditions of unpredictability associated with Trump
administration, allies have also faced heightened risks of entrapment. This reflects a
paradoxical dynamic in which allies that perceive the U.S. as less committedand
therefore potentially susceptible to abandonmentare simultaneously subjected to
demands for higher levels of commitment and participation, thereby increasing their
exposure to entrapment risks. For weaker allies embedded in asymmetric alliance
structures, such pressures can be particularly severe. As of March 28, this dynamic
appears to have contributed to growing solidarity among U.S. alliesespecially in
Europeagainst what they perceive as excessive or destabilizing actions by the U.S.,
thereby making divisions between the U.S. and its allies more visible.
Second, this context carries an important implication for the U.S. itself: it, too, must
learn a critical lesson. In alliance politics, abandonment typically is more desperate when
a stronger partner distances itself from a weaker ally, highlighting the importance of
credible commitments. Historically, the U.S. has often been perceived as the primary
actor capable of abandoning its allies. However, circumstances surrounding the Iran crisis
suggest that a reverse dynamic is also possiblenamely, that allied states can
collectively form solidarity and, under certain conditions, effectively distance themselves
from a hegemonic power.
Even though the U.S. may be experiencing relative decline, it still retains the status of a
hegemon. Yet, this case demonstrates that hegemonic status alone does not guarantee
continued support from allies. When a hegemon fails to provide consistent justification
for its actions or engages in persistent, unpredictable, or impulsive security policies, it
risks losing the trust of its allies. Under such conditions, allies and partners may choose
to realign or withdraw support.
The U.S.-centered security architecture has traditionally been described as a ‘hub-and-
spokes’ , in which the hegemon (the hub) determines the overall direction and the allies
(the spokes) follow accordingly. However, recent flow suggests that the spokes are no
longer unconditionally bound to follow the hub. The U.S. must recognize that allies are
increasingly capable of pursuing independent strategies.
Third, as is typical in most presidential systems, a government’s policy direction is often
attributed to the sitting president. The U.S. is no exception, and policies and decisions
made during the Trump administration are commonly associated with President Trump
himself. However, the distinctive feature of the Trump administration lies in its mode of
communication: rather than relying on established bureaucratic processes and
institutional channels, policy announcements were often made directly through the
president’s personal statements or social media.
This approach frequently resulted in inconsistencies, including instances where
statements were later retracted or corrected. As a consequence, global perceptions of
U.S. policy became increasingly volatile, often shifting in response to a single statement.
This pattern has also raised doubts about the consistency and reliability of U.S. foreign
policy. Rather than reacting immediately to Trump’s statements, other states increasingly
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adopt a wait-and-see stance, anticipating potential reversals. As a result, confidence in
U.S. foreign policy has weakened. At a time when the U.S. is already facing relative
decline as a global hegemon, such consequences further contribute to a perception that
the U.S. has lost a reliable and trusted leadership role, regardless of its actual material
capabilities.
Fourth, it is necessary to reconsider whether the increasing emphasis on self-reliance
among U.S. allies ultimately contributes to the maintenance of U.S. influence. From the
perspective of the international community, the Trump administration’s demands
particularly regarding NATO burden-sharing and financial contributionsare not entirely
unreasonable, especially in the context of a perceived decline in U.S. power. However,
U.S. dominance is historically reinforced by the asymmetrical dependence of allies,
particularly in terms of nuclear deterrence and military capabilities.
If allies were to move toward greater autonomy, or even develop independent nuclear
capabilities, as implied by concerns over abandonment, it raises the question of whether
the U.S. could continue to effectively manage or be influential on its allies. Increased
autonomy may lead not only to independent foreign policies but also to greater risks of
regional conflicts. In such a scenario, it is worth questioning whether the U.S. could
remain insulated from these developments. Ultimately, maintaining a pattern of frequent
abandonment and entrapment dilemmas within alliances may undermine U.S. interests
rather than strengthen them.
Concluding this paper, Robert Gilpin (1981) defines a hegemon as a state that possesses
not only economic strength but also political and military power. This conceptualization
highlights the comprehensive nature of hegemonic power that underpins the U.S. status
and its role maintaining international relations, including the ROKU.S. alliance. The role
of a hegemon within an alliance can further be understood through Charles Kindleberger’s
framework of Hegemonic Stability Theory. According to Kindleberger (1973), a hegemon
plays a central role by possessing both the capacity and the willingness to provide public
goods within the international system, thereby exercising leadership. Moreover, the
stability of the international system depends not only on the material capabilities of the
hegemon but also, crucially, on its willingness to lead. This emphasis on willingness is
also reflected in the work of Keohane and Nye (1973), who argue that a hegemonic
system is sustained “when one state is powerful enough to maintain the essential rules
governing interstate relations, and willing to do so.”
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