OBSERVARE
Universidade Autónoma de Lisboa
e-ISSN: 1647-7251
VOL. 16, Nº. 2, TD1
Thematic Dossier - Emerging Powers In-between
Global and Regional Organizations
December 2025
286
DANCING WITH GIANTS: INDONESIA AND ITS INCLUSIVE APPROACH IN THE
INDO-PACIFIC AFTER BRICS ACCEPTANCE
MANSUR JUNED
mansurjuned@upnvj.ac.id
Associate Professor in International Relations at Universitas Pembangunan Nasional Veteran
Jakarta (Indonesia) https://orcid.org/0000-0002-0386-7676
MOHAMAD HERY SARIPUDIN
mohamad.hery.saripudin@unpad.ac.id
Assistant Professor in International Relations at Universitas Padjadjaran (Indonesia).
Senior Indonesian Diplomat and Former Ambassador to Kenya, https://orcid.org/0009-0005-
4506-888X
Abstract
The growing multipolarity in global politics has prompted emerging powers to utilise regional
and international organisations as strategic tools to navigate major power rivals. This article
investigates how Indonesia uses an inclusive approach in the Indo-Pacific through its
membership in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and BRICS and its
membership proposal for the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development
(OECD) amid the intensifying rivalry between the United States and China in the Indo-Pacific
region. This study addresses the key question of how Indonesia capitalises on ASEAN
leadership and BRICS membership to enhance its OECD membership proposal and geopolitical
standing. The investigation is anchored on neorealism in analysing regional power dynamics
in the Indo-Pacific as Indonesia’s response through its inclusive approach. This study
employed qualitative research methods. The findings suggest that Indonesia’s foreign policy
doctrine of Bebas Aktif (independent and active) is not only aligned with, but also acts as a
pivotal influence on ASEAN’s inclusivity principles under the ASEAN Outlook on the Indo-Pacific
(AOIP). Under these circumstances, Indonesia and other ASEAN members (AMS) engage in
soft economic alliances, including BRICS and OECD, as a balancing act between the US and
China. Additionally, Indonesia’s BRICS membership enhances its bargaining power to pursue
OECD membership, while maintaining cooperative relationships with the United States and its
allies. This study contributes to understanding how emerging powers exercise dual alignment
as a balancing act by using multilateral platforms to assert their influence and achieve
strategic objectives in a multipolar world.
Keywords
Indonesia, Indo-Pacific, ASEAN, BRICS, OECD, Neorealism, Multipolarity, US-China Rivalry,
Bebas Aktif.
Resumo
A crescente multipolaridade na política global levou as potências emergentes a utilizar
organizações regionais e internacionais como ferramentas estratégicas para lidar com as
principais potências rivais. Este artigo investiga como a Indonésia utiliza uma abordagem
JANUS.NET, e-journal of International Relations
e-ISSN: 1647-7251
VOL. 16, Nº. 2, TD1
Thematic Dossier - Emerging Powers In-between Global and Regional Organizations
December 2025, pp. 286-301
Dancing with Giants: Indonesia and its Inclusive Approach
in the Indo-Pacific after BRICS Acceptance
Mansur Juned, Mohamad Hery Saripudin
287
inclusiva no Indo-Pacífico através da sua adesão à Associação das Nações do Sudeste Asiático
(ASEAN) e ao BRICS, bem como da sua proposta de adesão à Organização para a Cooperação
e Desenvolvimento Económico (OCDE), num contexto de rivalidade crescente entre os Estados
Unidos e a China na região do Indo-Pacífico. Este estudo aborda a questão fundamental de
como a Indonésia capitaliza a liderança da ASEAN e a adesão ao BRICS para reforçar a sua
proposta de adesão à OCDE e a sua posição geopolítica. A investigação baseia-se no
neorrealismo para analisar a dinâmica do poder regional no Indo-Pacífico como resposta da
Indonésia através da sua abordagem inclusiva. Este estudo utilizou métodos de investigação
qualitativos. As conclusões sugerem que a doutrina de política externa da Indonésia, Bebas
Aktif (independente e ativa), não está alinhada com os princípios de inclusão da ASEAN no
âmbito da Visão da ASEAN sobre o Indo-Pacífico (AOIP), como também exerce uma influência
fundamental sobre os mesmos. Nestas circunstâncias, a Indonésia e outros membros da
ASEAN (AMS) envolvem-se em alianças económicas suaves, incluindo o BRICS e a OCDE,
como um ato de equilíbrio entre os EUA e a China. Além disso, a adesão da Indonésia ao
BRICS aumenta o seu poder de negociação para buscar a adesão à OCDE, mantendo relações
de cooperação com os Estados Unidos e seus aliados. Este estudo contribui para a
compreensão de como as potências emergentes exercem o duplo alinhamento como um ato
de equilíbrio, usando plataformas multilaterais para afirmar a sua influência e alcançar
objetivos estratégicos em um mundo multipolar.
Palavras-chave
Indonésia, Indo-Pacífico, ASEAN, BRICS, OCDE, Neorrealismo, Multipolaridade, Rivalidade
EUA-China, Bebas Aktif.
How to cite this article
Juned, Mansur & Saripudin, Mohamad Hery (2025). Dancing with Giants: Indonesia and its
Inclusive Approach in the Indo-Pacific after BRICS Acceptance. Janus.net, e-journal of international
relations. Thematic Dossier - Emerging Powers In-between Global and Regional Organizations,
VOL. 16, Nº. 2, TD1, December 2025, pp. 286-301. https://doi.org/10.26619/1647-
7251.DT0525.15
Article submitted on 31st May 2025 and accepted for publication on 02nd September
2025.
JANUS.NET, e-journal of International Relations
e-ISSN: 1647-7251
VOL. 16, Nº. 2, TD1
Thematic Dossier - Emerging Powers In-between Global and Regional Organizations
December 2025, pp. 286-301
Dancing with Giants: Indonesia and its Inclusive Approach
in the Indo-Pacific after BRICS Acceptance
Mansur Juned, Mohamad Hery Saripudin
288
DANCING WITH GIANTS: INDONESIA AND ITS INCLUSIVE
APPROACH IN THE INDO-PACIFIC AFTER BRICS ACCEPTANCE
MANSUR JUNED
MOHAMAD HERY SARIPUDIN
Introduction
The 21st century is characterized by a global power shift from the Trans-Atlantic to the
Indo-Pacific, as well as a shift in the global power dynamic towards a multipolar
international system amid the decline of the rise of China, challenging the hegemonic
power of the United States (US) and the European Union (EU) as the winner of the Cold
War (Mearsheimer, 2014). This shift presents both opportunities and challenges for
middle powers in the Indo-Pacific as the paramount stage of the intensifying rivalry
between the US and the People's Republic of China (Bisley, 2020; White, 2010). In this
context, middle powers, particularly in the Indo-Pacific, must recalculate their strategic
alignment amid dynamic power shifts not only between the two superpowers of the US
and China but also with international organisations. This is essential not only to survive
in terms of the realist perspective but also to amplify their influence, safeguard their
interests, and maintain strategic autonomy (Abbondanza, 2022; Chaisse & Hsieh, 2023;
Cooper & Flemes, 2013; Juned & Sutiono, 2024).
Emerging powers, such as Indonesia, particularly those situated in strategically vital
regions, such as Southeast Asia, find themselves at the confluence of these great power
dynamics. They face the dual challenge of navigating the pressures emanating from
major power competition while simultaneously seeking opportunities to enhance their
geopolitical standing and pursue their national interests. In this context, regional and
international organisations have become increasingly important. These multilateral
platforms offer avenues for dialogue, cooperation, and the collective assertion of
interests, providing smaller and middle powers with mechanisms to amplify their voices
and manage the complexities of a multipolar world (Abbondanza, 2022; Acharya, 2014;
Juned & Sutiono, 2024).
Indonesia, Southeast Asia's largest economy and a key archipelagic nation, is a
prominent example of an emerging power actively shaping its regional environment. Its
foreign policy tradition, encapsulated in the doctrine of Bebas Aktif (independent and
active), emphasises a non-aligned yet proactive approach to international affairs (Anwar,
2020; Dannhauer, 2024). This doctrine has historically guided Indonesia's engagement
JANUS.NET, e-journal of International Relations
e-ISSN: 1647-7251
VOL. 16, Nº. 2, TD1
Thematic Dossier - Emerging Powers In-between Global and Regional Organizations
December 2025, pp. 286-301
Dancing with Giants: Indonesia and its Inclusive Approach
in the Indo-Pacific after BRICS Acceptance
Mansur Juned, Mohamad Hery Saripudin
289
with the world, including its foundational role in the Association of Southeast Asia Nations
(ASEAN). More recently, Indonesia's strategic calculation embraced membership in the
BRICS group (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa, along with newly invited
members) amid its pursuit of accession to the Organization for Economic Co-operation
and Development (OECD), as well as the US’s negative sentiment towards members of
the BRICS (Martin, 2025; Takahashi, 2024). Previously, Abbondanza (2022) and Juned
& Setiono (2024) argue that Indonesia incorporates pragmatism in its contemporary
application of Bebas Aktif, nuanced in an inclusive approach that allows it to actively
engage with diverse economic cooperation with diverse actors, which is well reflected in
its approach to the US-China rivalry in the Indo-Pacific as well as the recently agreed
EUI-CEPA agreement with the EU.
With further development by 2025, Indonesia was officially accepted as a member of
BRICS on 6th January 2025 (Shofa, 2025). This milestone marks a new chapter in the
nation's approach to navigating the complexities of the Indo-Pacific region, particularly
in the context of its long-standing Bebas Aktif doctrine to ‘dance with the giants’ in the
Indo-Pacific region. His new affiliation does not signify a shift away from Indonesia's non-
aligned principles but rather an evolution of its strategy to actively engage with influential
global actors to promote its interests and contribute to regional stability in the dynamic
Indo-Pacific landscape. In this regard, Indonesia translates the doctrine of ‘Bebas Aktif’
into active engagement with two distinct global economic governance structures rather
than being passive by not joining any economic regimes as a form of its strategic
evolution of the non-alignment doctrine (Juned & Sutiono, 2024).
Indonesia is also pursuing permanent membership in the OECD, which is perceived as a
Euro-American economic regime that promotes its economic standards (Maulana & Azis,
2025; Strangio, 2024). We perceive that it will generate further challenges for Indonesia
in the coming years to strategically leverage its BRICS membership in its proposal to join
the OECD and strengthen its position and inclusive approach in the region. In this regard,
while BRICS membership opens opportunities for trade expansion and alternative
funding, it will also attract opposition from the US and its allies towards Indonesia. In a
recent case, Indonesia’s BRICS membership has generated extra tariffs from the Trump
administration-led US protectionist policy (Martin, 2025). On the other hand, the
finalisation of the long-postponed EUI-CEPA shortly after Indonesia joined BRICS displays
the opposing effect of how BRICS membership became its leverage to overcome the
deadlock in the EUI-CEPA negotiation (Juned & Sutiono, 2024; Kementerian Luar Negeri
Republik Indonesia, 2025). These two examples represent the challenges Indonesia faces
in managing uncertainty amid the different interests and calculations of the related
actors.
In this regard, we perceive that the discussion on how Indonesia utilises the BRICS
membership as leverage for the OECD membership proposal, as well as navigating the
Indo-Pacific’s dynamics, cannot be separated from the Association of Southeast Asia
Nations (ASEAN)’s position in the region. In this regard, Indonesia, as a founder and
dominant power in ASEAN, has powerful influences on regional organisations due to its
population, GDP, and pivotal roles in shaping the official regional perspective of the Indo-
Pacific region with the ASEAN Outlook on Indo-Pacific (AOIP) (Anwar, 2020). Recently,
Indonesia became the first ASEAN country to be accepted into BRICS and was also
JANUS.NET, e-journal of International Relations
e-ISSN: 1647-7251
VOL. 16, Nº. 2, TD1
Thematic Dossier - Emerging Powers In-between Global and Regional Organizations
December 2025, pp. 286-301
Dancing with Giants: Indonesia and its Inclusive Approach
in the Indo-Pacific after BRICS Acceptance
Mansur Juned, Mohamad Hery Saripudin
290
proposed for OECD membership (Shofa, 2025). Utilising ASEAN is essential in the power
dynamics of the Indo-Pacific as it represents the major powers in the region without a
hard alignment with either the US or China (Abbondanza, 2022; Chaisse & Hsieh, 2023).
We perceive that Indonesia is leveraging its dominant influence in ASEAN to maximise
the potential benefits of its inclusive approach to Indo-Pacific power dynamics and its
proposal to join the OECD after its BRICS membership is accepted.
This study investigates how Indonesia utilises its leadership within ASEAN and its
newfound membership in BRICS as leverage in the context of the OECD proposal amid
the US-China rivalry in the Indo-Pacific. It seeks to answer the central research question:
How does Indonesia utilise its position in BRICS as a power leverage in its bid for OECD
membership amid the US-China rivalry? By adopting a neorealist theoretical lens and
employing qualitative research methods, this study analyses Indonesia's diplomatic
manoeuvring and its implications for regional stability and the broader international order
(the West). This article argues that Indonesia strategically aligns its Bebas Aktif principle
with ASEAN's inclusive framework, notably the AOIP, to foster diverse economic
partnerships, including with BRICS and potentially with the OECD, thereby mitigating the
pressure of great power competition. Furthermore, BRICS membership is posited as a
tool to enhance Indonesia's bargaining position in its OECD aspirations while seeking to
maintain constructive ties with the US and its allies.
Literature Review
Neorealism, or structural realism, posits that the anarchic nature of the international
system is the primary determinant of state behaviour (Waltz, 1979). States, as rational
and unitary actors, prioritise their survival and security in self-help systems. Power,
primarily in material terms, is the key currency, and states constantly assess the balance
of power to ensure their security (Mearsheimer, 2001). Although classical realism and
neorealism agree on the state of anarchy between states, neorealism emphasises the
systemic level of anarchy as the main determinant of state actions.
Neorealism has two distinct variants of offensive and defensive neorealism on perceiving
how nation-states should act in an anarchical system (Juned & Sutiono, 2024). Offensive
neorealism posits that under the system of anarchy, states should actively pursue relative
power as an ultimate guarantee of survival instead of being defensive and waiting for
alignment initiation from others. In this regard, this study uses Mearsheimer's offensive
neorealism, which suggests that states seek to maximise their relative power to ensure
survival, often through alliance formation and institutional participation (Mearsheimer,
2001). This perspective is essential for explaining Indonesia's strategic use of multilateral
platforms to enhance its bargaining power amid the Indo-Pacific’s shifting power
dynamics. These actions are preceded by rational calculations to enhance security in a
self-help world.
Indonesia's strategic engagement with multilateral platforms can be understood as a
unique case of offensive realism, in which a middle power pursues its interests by
initiating a dual alignment strategy for both superpowers rather than passively choosing
one of the available alignments offered by the superpowers. By actively participating in
JANUS.NET, e-journal of International Relations
e-ISSN: 1647-7251
VOL. 16, Nº. 2, TD1
Thematic Dossier - Emerging Powers In-between Global and Regional Organizations
December 2025, pp. 286-301
Dancing with Giants: Indonesia and its Inclusive Approach
in the Indo-Pacific after BRICS Acceptance
Mansur Juned, Mohamad Hery Saripudin
291
these organisations and using their membership as leverage, Indonesia strategically
aimed to amplify its bargaining power over the superpowers and other middle powers of
the region. This approach has allowed Indonesia to navigate complex Indo-Pacific power
dynamics while preserving its strategic approach based on Bebas Aktif. In this regard,
Indonesia uses multilateralism as a tool to advance its interests and ensure its security
in a competitive international environment, instead of the use of bilateralism, which is
not only less effective but also attracts biased perceptions from other actors. This
strategic deployment of institutional participation underscores a calculated effort to
maximise influence and maintain freedom of action, aligning with the core principles of
offensive realism.
Indonesia's inclusive approach can be seen as a power balancing act aimed at mitigating
vulnerabilities while maximising opportunities in a polarised Indo-Pacific system
dominated by the US and China. Middle powers, such as Indonesia, can engage in power
balancing with systemic powers. This involves strategic acts that are proportional to their
capabilities and circumstances (Abbondanza, 2022). However, the inclusive approach has
a different meaning than a balanced approach, as it focuses more on how Indonesia, as
an actor in the regional structure, opens itself to cooperation with diverse actors
according to existing circumstances rather than rigidly balancing itself, which would be
difficult to calculate precisely.
In a multipolar system, such as the one emerging today, the distribution of power is
more diffuse, with several major poles of influence. This can lead to more complex
alliance patterns and potentially greater instability as states manoeuvre for advantage
(Waltz, 1979). Neorealism suggests that emerging powers such as Indonesia seek to
maximise their relative power and security. One way to achieve this is through strategic
engagement with international and regional organisations. While neorealism traditionally
views international institutions as secondary to power politics and often reflects the
interests of great powers, they can also serve as arenas for balancing, signalling, and
enhancing a state's influence (Mearsheimer, 1994).
For middle or emerging powers, these institutions can serve as tools to achieve several
strategic objectives. First, aggregate power by forming coalitions or blocs: less powerful
states can collectively exert greater influence than they can individually exert. Second,
the Great Powers were constrained by the norms and rules within institutions. Third,
enhancing status and legitimacy by achieving membership and leadership roles in
recognised organisations can bolster a state's international standing. Fourth, diversifying
dependencies by engaging with multiple platforms reduces reliance on a single source of
power, thereby increasing strategic autonomy.
Indonesia's engagement with ASEAN, BRICS, and its pursuit of OECD membership can
be interpreted through this neorealist lens as a strategic move to navigate the pressures
of the US-China rivalry, enhance its own security and influence, and maintain its
"independent and active" foreign policy stance in a system where power considerations
remain paramount.
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e-ISSN: 1647-7251
VOL. 16, Nº. 2, TD1
Thematic Dossier - Emerging Powers In-between Global and Regional Organizations
December 2025, pp. 286-301
Dancing with Giants: Indonesia and its Inclusive Approach
in the Indo-Pacific after BRICS Acceptance
Mansur Juned, Mohamad Hery Saripudin
292
Research Methodology
This study employs a qualitative investigation to thoroughly examine Indonesia's
strategic engagement with ASEAN, BRICS, and its membership proposal for the OECD
within the complex dynamics of the ongoing strategic competition between the United
States and China in the Indo-Pacific. By employing a qualitative research approach, this
study constructs a robust framework for the nuanced exploration of intricate geopolitics
and geoeconomics phenomena. This approach is essential for a deep understanding of
the underlying motivations and strategic calculations that guide Indonesia’s actions in
navigating the complexities of a shifting global order. In this regard, Bryman (2016)
argues that qualitative methodologies provide rich contextual understanding and in-
depth insights into the social and political processes under study, making them relevant
for investigating Indonesia's strategic manoeuvring in the Indo-Pacific. This research
uses a wide range of qualitative data derived from policy documents, official statements,
news coverage, and academic documents to provide a comprehensive understanding of
Indonesia's inclusive approach.
This research uses diverse primary and secondary data in its investigation. The primary
data sources in this research are relevant official government documents, statements,
and reports from international organisations such as ASEAN, BRICS, and OECD.
Furthermore, this research employs secondary data sources from academic literature,
journal articles, and books, as well as reputable news analysis and commentaries. The
data were selected based on their relevance and recency to the research topic. In
selecting the data source, source bias and data source reflexivity, as well as the authors’
reflexivity, were considered and acknowledged.
Furthermore, this study employs data triangulation from diverse data sources as the
foundation for answering the research question and drawing conclusions. Data
triangulation is essential to ensure the validity of the data amid potential bias due to data
source reflexivity. Triangulation is also essential as the foundation of the analysis and
drawing of research conclusions. This approach enables a rigorous examination of
Indonesia’s balancing act within the broader geopolitical context, facilitating a nuanced
analysis of the interplay between Indonesia’s strategic interests, regional power
structures, and institutionalism (Creswell & Creswell, 2023).
Findings and Discussion
Indonesia's Foreign Policy: Bebas Aktif and ASEAN Centrality in Indo-
Pacific
Bebas Aktif is the principal doctrine of Indonesia's foreign policy since its early
independence amid the Cold War. Bebas (independent) signifies Indonesia's refusal to
align with any global power block during the Cold War, while Aktif (active) underscores
its commitment to proactively engage in the promotion and protection of world peace
and justice (Anwar, 2020; Leifer, 1983). In the contemporary era, the implementation
of Bebas Aktif has become more relevant and important as Indonesia's strategic
environment in the Indo-Pacific has become the centre tenet of the global political
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e-ISSN: 1647-7251
VOL. 16, Nº. 2, TD1
Thematic Dossier - Emerging Powers In-between Global and Regional Organizations
December 2025, pp. 286-301
Dancing with Giants: Indonesia and its Inclusive Approach
in the Indo-Pacific after BRICS Acceptance
Mansur Juned, Mohamad Hery Saripudin
293
economy, characterised by the rivalry between the US and China (Anwar, 2020; Juned
& Sutiono, 2024).
To navigate this power shift, the role of ASEAN, which has been the cornerstone of
Indonesia’s foreign policy since its establishment, became pivotal. As a founding member
and the largest nation in the bloc, Indonesia has an essential leadership role in influencing
the rules and norms within the regional organisation, including managing regional affairs
and engaging with external powers (Haacke, 2005). In this regard, Indonesia’s centrality
in ASEAN is also well reflected in the fact that the ASEAN Secretariat (ASEC) is located
in Jakarta, Indonesia, and in the formulation of the AOIP, which is also based on the
Bebas Aktif foreign policy doctrine. This commitment is driven by the understanding that
a stable and prosperous Southeast Asia is crucial to Indonesia’s security and
development.
Under President Joko Widodo's leadership (2014-2024), Indonesia adopted a more
proactive and confident stance in its foreign policy engagements, a notable shift, while
steadily adhering to its long-standing principle of non-alignment (Connelly, 2014;
Irsadanar, 2023). Furthermore, under President Prabowo Subianto from 2024 to the
present, Indonesia has tried to expand its influence as an official member of BRICS using
the same approach as Bebas Aktif’s foreign policy. Regardless of the actual evolution of
the Bebas Aktif implementation, which is becoming more pragmatic, Indonesia remains
consistent with this approach, including in the formulation of the AOIP, which has become
the ASEAN main principle of inclusivity amid the power dynamics in the Indo-Pacific.
Through the AOIP, Indonesia, through ASEAN, promotes regional cooperation and
stability based on inclusivity and leverages its influential position to foster dialogue and
address shared challenges. Indonesia is scaling up this approach beyond ASEAN by
actively participating in multilateral forums and constructively contributing to the global
discourse. This enhanced international standing allowed Indonesia to play a prominent
role in shaping regional norms and contributing to a balanced and inclusive Indo-Pacific
order.
The AOIP, adopted in 2019, can be perceived as a manifestation of Bebas Aktif in a
regional context that promotes inclusivity in the Indo-Pacific amid the tendency of
polarisation (ASEAN, 2024). The AOIP emphasises principles such as inclusivity, dialogue,
cooperation, and respect for international law, seeking to create an open and rule-based
regional architecture to act as a bridge for the contesting powers of the region. It
explicitly rejects the vision of a single superpower’s dominion over the Indo-Pacific and
instead promotes ASEAN-led mechanisms as a fulcrum for regional engagement. In the
greater context, the AOIP's emphasis on inclusivity leverages the implementation of
Indonesia's Bebas Aktif doctrine, allowing Indonesia to proactively engage in strategic
alignment with the US and China without the obligation to engage in hard alignment.
This framework enables ASEAN members, including Indonesia, to pursue soft economic
alignment and diverse partnerships using their inclusivity-based foreign policy as
bargaining power.
Using this approach, Indonesia constructively engages with both the US-based IPEF and
China's Belt and Road Initiative without choosing sides. This approach is in line with the
AOIP's four key areas of cooperationmaritime cooperation, connectivity, sustainable
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e-ISSN: 1647-7251
VOL. 16, Nº. 2, TD1
Thematic Dossier - Emerging Powers In-between Global and Regional Organizations
December 2025, pp. 286-301
Dancing with Giants: Indonesia and its Inclusive Approach
in the Indo-Pacific after BRICS Acceptance
Mansur Juned, Mohamad Hery Saripudin
294
development goals, and economic cooperationthat allow engagement with diverse
partners (ASEAN, 2019). In this regard, Indonesia has demonstrated its inclusive
approach to the Indo-Pacific by remaining cooperative with the tariff demands from the
US and finalising the EUI CEPA with the EU following its BRICS acceptance (Juned &
Sutiono, 2024). In the larger context, the AOIP, through its four primary areas of
cooperation, also offers concrete avenues for collaboration with a wide array of regional
and global partners, such as the AMS’ dual proposal towards BRICS and OECD.
The Rise of BRICS and Indonesia's Strategic Engagement
The BRICS economic bloc, which was initially coined by Goldman Sachs economist Jim
O'Neill, has significantly evolved into a global economic bloc challenging the US-led
economic regimes since its formation in 2001(Goldman Sachs, 2001). It represents the
Global South’s collective aspiration to reshape aspects of global governance and provide
alternative platforms for economic cooperation, financial funding, and forums for political
dialogue, often perceived as challenging the Western-dominated international order
(Stuenkel, 2020). The recent expansion of BRICS, with the acceptance of Indonesia in
January 2025, signals its growing appeal and potential to influence global economic and
political landscapes, particularly the emerging powers and the Global South, amid the
intensifying trade wars initiated by the US under the Trump administration.
In this regard, Indonesia's decision to apply for permanent membership and its
acceptance as a permanent member of BRICS can be analysed as a strategic act that is
not only consistent with its Bebas Aktif foreign policy but also mandatory to preserve its
autonomy in its external relations. Furthermore, from the perspective of neorealism,
diversified partnerships are essential to enhance influence by increasing bargaining
power with potential partners. In this regard, BRICS offers access to large and growing
markets, investment opportunities, and alternative sources of development finance, such
as the New Development Bank (NDB), which works as leverage for its members in their
discussions with partners both from BRICS and beyond. BRICS also provides Indonesia
with a more prominent platform to articulate its interests and contribute to shaping global
norms and institutions alongside other major emerging powers. In the context of the US-
China rivalry, BRICS membership offers Indonesia another avenue for engagement by
using its BRICS-facilitated economic ties with China as leverage in the recent tariff
negotiations of the US protectionist approach under the Trump administration, thereby
reinforcing its non-aligned stance and increasing its room for manoeuvre (Faridz, 2024).
Furthermore, BRICS aligns with Indonesia's long-standing commitment to solidarity and
cooperation among developing nations.
Indonesia's inclusive approach to the Indo-Pacific, particularly in light of its acceptance
of BRICS, showcases a strategic posture rooted in a neorealist understanding of middle-
power behaviour within a multipolar world. Rather than aligning exclusively with any
single bloc, Indonesia has strategically positioned itself to maximise its security and
influence. This approach, supported by scholarship on middle-power diplomacy
(Abbondanza, 2022; Schweller, 1994), underscores the preference for flexible
partnerships over rigid alliances, allowing Indonesia to navigate the complexities of the
multipolar system with greater agility. Its capacity to cultivate and sustain relationships
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e-ISSN: 1647-7251
VOL. 16, Nº. 2, TD1
Thematic Dossier - Emerging Powers In-between Global and Regional Organizations
December 2025, pp. 286-301
Dancing with Giants: Indonesia and its Inclusive Approach
in the Indo-Pacific after BRICS Acceptance
Mansur Juned, Mohamad Hery Saripudin
295
across various institutional frameworks highlights the enduring significance and practical
application of non-alignment principles in the current landscape of international relations,
thus demonstrating a nuanced and adaptable foreign policy strategy.
By joining BRICS, Indonesia adds another layer to its multifaceted diplomatic
engagement and maximises its options and influence in a complex global environment.
Furthermore, BRICS membership allows Indonesia to have alternative choices in its
trading and economic partners in the era of protectionism under the Trump
administration. It is essential to ensure the fulfilment of Indonesia’s economic interests
amid the more protectionist US, which significantly impacts the global economic order.
Indonesia's decision to join BRICS, along with the OECD membership proposal,
represents a strategic deepening and widening of its foreign policy, as well as a scaling
up of the existing alignment. By embracing BRICS, Indonesia aims to enhance its capacity
to navigate an increasingly dynamic power shift on a global scale by having a wider range
of strategic choices and amplifying its international standing (Kementerian Luar Negeri
Republik Indonesia, 2025).
This expansion of partnerships is particularly significant in the context of evolving global
economic power dynamics, as BRICS membership offers Indonesia alternative avenues
for trade and economic cooperation amid the rising US-China rivalry and protectionism.
This is essential to ensure Indonesia's economic resilience and secure its national
economic interests through the diversification of its economic relationships in a disrupted
global economic order characterised by more protectionist tendencies in major
economies. In this regard, BRICS provides Indonesia with a platform to pursue its
economic agenda and mitigate the risks associated with overreliance on traditional
partners amid a shifting global economic paradigm.
Navigating the US-China Rivalry: Indonesia's Balancing Act through
ASEAN and BRICS
The Indo-Pacific region is the epicentre of the strategic competition between the US and
China. This rivalry manifests in various domains, including economic influence,
technological dominance, military presence and diplomatic outreach (Mastanduno,
2019). Indonesia, located at the maritime crossroads of the Indian and Pacific Oceans,
faces significant challenges and opportunities. The challenge lies in avoiding
entanglement in great power conflicts that could destabilise the region and compromise
its sovereignty. This opportunity lies in leveraging its strategic position and diplomatic
acumen to foster a regional order that serves its interests. In this regard, we argue that
Indonesia translates Bebas Aktif foreign policy into more pragmatic and interest-based
foreign policies while maintaining its inclusive approach, as reflected in Anwar's (2020)
research regarding AOIP and Juned and Setiono's (2024) EUI CEPA.
We argue that Indonesia employs a multipronged strategy to navigate this conflict. First,
by strengthening ASEAN Centrality, Indonesia consistently champions ASEAN as the
primary vehicle for regional cooperation and security dialogue. Through the AOIP,
Indonesia seeks to ensure that the regional architecture remains inclusive and ASEAN-
led, thereby preventing the dominance of any external power (Sukma, 2024). This allows
JANUS.NET, e-journal of International Relations
e-ISSN: 1647-7251
VOL. 16, Nº. 2, TD1
Thematic Dossier - Emerging Powers In-between Global and Regional Organizations
December 2025, pp. 286-301
Dancing with Giants: Indonesia and its Inclusive Approach
in the Indo-Pacific after BRICS Acceptance
Mansur Juned, Mohamad Hery Saripudin
296
Indonesia and other ASEAN states to engage with both the US and China on their own
terms based on shared regional norms. Second, Maintaining Equidistance: Consistent
with Bebas Aktif, Indonesia strives to maintain a positive and balanced relationship with
Washington and Beijing. It engages with US-led initiatives that align with its interests
(e.g., the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework for Prosperity (IPEF), OECD, and tariff
negotiations) while also deepening economic ties with China by joining BRICS, its largest
trading partner, to scale up existing economic cooperation, such as the Belt Road
Initiative and ASEAN Plus Three (Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Indonesia,
various statements). Third, using BRICS as a counterweight and diversification tool,
Indonesia's BRICS membership provides an additional platform for engagement
independent of the US-China axis. From a neo-realist perspective, this diversifies
Indonesia's partnerships and reduces its potential vulnerability to superpower pressure.
This indicates that Indonesia has options and is not solely reliant on Western institutions
or the Chinese economic regime. This can subtly enhance Indonesia’s bargaining power
with both major powers, as neither would want to see Indonesia drift too far into the
other's orbit or become too closely aligned with the alternative bloc.
In the context of ASEAN and in the broader sense, Indonesia's strategic behaviour
provides insights into how emerging powers are likely to navigate an increasingly
multipolar international system. Rather than seeking exclusive alignment with particular
power centres, countries such as Indonesia are pursuing portfolio approaches that
maximise their strategic options. This trend has significant implications for both
traditional alliances and international institutions in the region. As more countries adopt
similar strategies, the international system may become characterised by overlapping
and competing institutional frameworks rather than clear-cut alliances.
Leveraging BRICS for OECD Aspirations and Broader Engagement
Indonesia formally expressed its ambition to join the OECD, a group predominantly
composed of developed economies committed to democratic principles and market
economies (OECD, n.d.). Jakarta has seen OECD membership as a means of accelerating
domestic reforms, attracting high-quality investments, and integrating Indonesia into the
global economy based on high standards of governance and policy (Government of
Indonesia, various statements). Indonesia’s acceptance of BRICS does not necessarily
cancel its proposal to join the OECD, but it is more of a leverage for Indonesia to enhance
its relative power to join the economic group of developed nations.
The pursuit of OECD membership while being a member of BRICS might appear
contradictory to some, given the different orientations of the two groups. However, from
Indonesia's perspective, these are not mutually exclusive endeavours but rather
complementary components of its strategy to enhance its international and economic
development. In this regard, there are several strategic advantages for Indonesia to join
BRICS in its proposal to join the OECD. First, BRICS as a Bargaining Chip leverages
Indonesian negotiations with the OECD. This demonstrates Indonesia's significance as a
major emerging economy with diverse economic partnerships. This could potentially
expedite its accession process or provide it with a stronger negotiating position on certain
JANUS.NET, e-journal of International Relations
e-ISSN: 1647-7251
VOL. 16, Nº. 2, TD1
Thematic Dossier - Emerging Powers In-between Global and Regional Organizations
December 2025, pp. 286-301
Dancing with Giants: Indonesia and its Inclusive Approach
in the Indo-Pacific after BRICS Acceptance
Mansur Juned, Mohamad Hery Saripudin
297
terms, as many OECD members are also keen to maintain the multilateralism approach
regardless of the growing unilateralism in the contemporary global political economy.
Second, it signals that Indonesia remains committed to the OECD’s economic standards
based on those of developed nations. By pursuing OECD membership, Indonesia has
signalled its willingness to adhere to the high governance, economic, and environmental
standards promoted by the organisation. This can help allay Western partners’ concerns
regarding their engagement with BRICS, demonstrating that Indonesia remains
committed to a rule-based international economic order. It also demonstrates Indonesia’s
consistent image of an inclusive approach to aligning strategic partnerships with actors
outside ASEAN.
Third, Indonesia has tried to maintain respectful relations with the US and its allies.
Indonesia's OECD bid is also a clear signal of its intent to maintain and deepen
cooperative relationships with the US and its allies, many of whom are key OECD
members. This balances its engagement with BRICS and reinforces its Bebas Aktif policy
of constructively engaging with all major players. However, BRICS membership also adds
a challenge for better rewards for Indonesia, as we cannot neglect the potential
counterproductive impact of Indonesia joining BRICS. Regardless of its status as a BRICS
member, its consistent efforts on its proposal, as well as the strategic political economic
leverage of an ASEAN and G20 member, reinforce its clear tendency to be a ‘bridge’
between the two global economic regimes. As noted by Indonesian officials, the pursuit
of OECD membership has received support from key Western countries (AntaraNews,
2024).
This dual engagement strategy allows Indonesia to maximise the benefits of different
international platforms, reinforcing its image as a "norm entrepreneur" and responsible
global citizen capable of bridging divides and fostering cooperation across different
geopolitical and economic groupings. The analysis confirms the central proposition that
Indonesia strategically leverages its position within ASEAN and its BRICS membership to
navigate the complexities of the US-China rivalry and enhance its geopolitical standing
in the Indo-Pacific.
Conclusion
This study examined how Indonesia leverages its pivotal role in ASEAN and its
membership in BRICS to navigate the intensifying US-China rivalry in the Indo-Pacific,
guided by its Bebas Aktif foreign policy and viewed through a neorealist lens. This study
suggests that Indonesia strategically uses these multilateral platforms to enhance its
geopolitical standing, maintain strategic autonomy, and pursue national interests to
mitigate the ongoing rivalry between the US and China, as well as the power dynamics
among other middle powers.
Indonesia's commitment to ASEAN Centrality, particularly through the AOIP, provides a
crucial framework for promoting an inclusive regional order. This allows Indonesia and
other AMS to engage in diverse economic partnerships, including BRICS and the OECD,
without being forced into exclusionary alignment by the nature of systemic anarchy based
on the struggle for power. Furthermore, Indonesia's BRICS membership is strategically
JANUS.NET, e-journal of International Relations
e-ISSN: 1647-7251
VOL. 16, Nº. 2, TD1
Thematic Dossier - Emerging Powers In-between Global and Regional Organizations
December 2025, pp. 286-301
Dancing with Giants: Indonesia and its Inclusive Approach
in the Indo-Pacific after BRICS Acceptance
Mansur Juned, Mohamad Hery Saripudin
298
utilised as a tool to bolster its bargaining power, particularly in its aspiration to join the
OECD, while simultaneously seeking to maintain cooperative and respectful relations with
the United States and its allies.
This research contributes to a deeper understanding of how emerging powers, such as
Indonesia, are adapting their strategic foreign policy to an increasingly multipolar Indo-
Pacific. In this regard, Indonesia is "dancing with giants" by engaging with superpowers,
great powers, and other middle powers via its alignment with global and regional
institutions. This approach underscores the enduring relevance of strategic hedging and
the innovative use of multilateral diplomacy as tools for asserting influence and
safeguarding national interests in contemporary global and regional power dynamics.
However, due to the recentness of the issue, it is expected that future research could
delve deeper into the specific mechanisms through which BRICS membership translates
into tangible bargaining power for Indonesia in international forums. Additionally,
comparative analyses with other middle powers such as Japan, Australia, or other AMS
in navigating the existing condition could scale up the research topic for a country to
draw a certain pattern of how middle powers navigate the evolving dynamics of global
politics.
Indonesia's strategic behaviour offers valuable perspectives on how emerging powers are
likely to operate within an increasingly multipolar international system. Rather than
pursuing exclusive alliances with specific power centres, nations such as Indonesia are
adopting portfolio strategies to optimise their strategic flexibility. This trend has profound
implications for established alliance systems and international institutions. As more
states implement analogous strategies, the international system may evolve into a
complex network of overlapping and competing institutional frameworks rather than
discrete alliance blocs.
However, Indonesia's inclusive approach requires consistent foreign policy
implementation based on careful calculations to avoid negative impacts, such as the extra
tariff implementation by the US after Indonesia joined BRICS. We perceive that a similar
scenario could also occur in the case of the OECD membership proposal. In this regard,
Indonesia should deploy a limited proactive approach based on the principles of Bebas
Aktif according to existing circumstances and momentum in the region to avoid an over-
progressive approach that will create counter-productive results to its actual interests.
Amid the recentness and contemporary dynamics of the Indo-Pacific and the global
political economy, the research is limited to examining Indonesia's strategic use of its
ASEAN leadership and recent BRICS membership to gain leverage in the OECD proposal
amid the US-China rivalry in the Indo-Pacific by mid-2025. Given the dynamic nature of
the Indo-Pacific and global political economies, existing research on this specific
interaction remains limited. Future research should delve deeper into the evolving power
dynamics of the Indo-Pacific and the progress of the OECD membership proposal beyond
2025. Furthermore, the qualitative methodology of this study opens avenues for future
quantitative and mixed-method approaches, as well as the application of diverse
analytical tools.
JANUS.NET, e-journal of International Relations
e-ISSN: 1647-7251
VOL. 16, Nº. 2, TD1
Thematic Dossier - Emerging Powers In-between Global and Regional Organizations
December 2025, pp. 286-301
Dancing with Giants: Indonesia and its Inclusive Approach
in the Indo-Pacific after BRICS Acceptance
Mansur Juned, Mohamad Hery Saripudin
299
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