OBSERVARE

Universidade Autónoma de Lisboa

e-ISSN: 1647-7251

VOL. 16, Nº. 2, TD1

Thematic Dossier - Emerging Powers In-between

Global and Regional Organizations

December 2025

84

IS IT POSSIBLE TO EXPLAIN CHINA'S ROLE IN REGIONAL ORGANISATIONS

WITH WORLD SYSTEM THEORY?: SHANGHAI COOPERATION ORGANISATION

FERDI GÜÇYETMEZ

ferdigucyetmez26@gmail.com

University of Bern (Germany), 0000-0003-1204-2606

TUĞÇE PULURLUOĞLU

tugcepulurluoglu@gmail.com

Nanjing University (China), 0000-0002-6619-3752

Abstract

This study examines the rise of modern China and its behaviour in the international system

within the framework of World System Theory. China has experienced fundamental

transformations in its economic, social and political structures with its post-1978 reform and

opening-up policies and has become a rising power in the international system. While the

World System Theory provides a powerful analytical framework to explain the hierarchical

relationships among centre, semi-periphery and periphery countries, how effective is this

theory in explaining a dynamic and rapidly changing actor like China? This article argues that

the World System Theory can still explain the rise of modern China and its behaviour in the

international system. The research analyses China's role in regional organisations, using the

example of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO), and how this affects the

international system. In this context, it addresses the limitations of World System Theory in

explaining modern China's behaviour.

Keywords

World System Theory, China, Shanghai Cooperation Organisation, Centre-semi-periphery-

periphery.

Resumo

Este artigo analisa a ascensão da China moderna e o seu comportamento no sistema

internacional no âmbito da Teoria do Sistema Mundial. A China passou por transformações

fundamentais nas suas estruturas económicas, sociais e políticas com as suas políticas de

reforma e abertura pós-1978 e tornou-se uma potência emergente no sistema internacional.

Embora a Teoria do Sistema Mundial forneça um poderoso quadro analítico para explicar as

relações hierárquicas entre os países centrais, semiperiféricos e periféricos, quão eficaz é esta

teoria para explicar um ator dinâmico e em rápida mudança como a China? Este artigo

argumenta que a Teoria do Sistema Mundial ainda pode explicar a ascensão da China moderna

e o seu comportamento no sistema internacional. A investigação analisa o papel da China nas

organizações regionais, utilizando o exemplo da Organização de Cooperação de Xangai (SCO),

e como isso afeta o sistema internacional. Neste contexto, aborda as limitações da Teoria do

Sistema Mundial para explicar o comportamento da China moderna.

JANUS.NET, e-journal of International Relations

e-ISSN: 1647-7251

VOL. 16, Nº. 2, TD1

Thematic Dossier - Emerging Powers In-between Global and Regional Organizations

December 2025, pp. 84-105

Is it Possible to Explain China's Role in Regional Organisations with World System Theory?:

Shanghai Cooperation Organisation

Ferdi Güçyetmez, Tuğçe Pulurluoğlu

85

Palavras-chave

Teoria do Sistema Mundial, China, Organização de Cooperação de Xangai, Centro-

semiperiferia-periferia.

How to cite this article

Güçyetmez, Ferdi & Pulurluoğlu, Tuğçe (2025). Is it Possible to Explain China's Role in Regional

Organisations with World System Theory?: Shanghai Cooperation Organisation. Janus.net, e-

journal of international relations. Thematic Dossier - Emerging Powers In-between Global and

Regional Organizations, VOL. 16, Nº. 2, TD1, December 2025, pp. 84-105.

https://doi.org/10.26619/1647-7251.DT0525.5

Article submitted on 16th April 2025 and accepted for publication on 01st September

2025.

JANUS.NET, e-journal of International Relations

e-ISSN: 1647-7251

VOL. 16, Nº. 2, TD1

Thematic Dossier - Emerging Powers In-between Global and Regional Organizations

December 2025, pp. 84-105

Is it Possible to Explain China's Role in Regional Organisations with World System Theory?:

Shanghai Cooperation Organisation

Ferdi Güçyetmez, Tuğçe Pulurluoğlu

86

IS IT POSSIBLE TO EXPLAIN CHINA'S ROLE IN REGIONAL

ORGANISATIONS WITH WORLD SYSTEM THEORY?: SHANGHAI

COOPERATION ORGANISATION

FERDI GÜÇYETMEZ

TUĞÇE PULURLUOĞLU

Introduction

1

The fast-moving globalisation process was based on the assumption that rich countries

would focus on high-value-added activities - especially design, R&D (Research and

Development) and management - while low- and middle-income countries would

undertake production processes. However, over time, manufacturing countries also

started to learn high-level activities such as design, technology development and brand

creation. Thus, the functional distinction between the centre and the periphery became

increasingly blurred.

Countries that specialised in the lower rungs of the supply chain began to deepen their

positions and climb towards the system's upper levels. On the other hand, countries in

the centre started to lose their innovation power due to high costs, bureaucratic

bottlenecks and labour shortages. One of the main misconceptions of this situation was

the assumption that production based on cheap labour would provide a sustainable

competitive advantage. However, in the long run, this model suppressed rather than

encouraged local innovation and weakened the competitiveness capacity of the centre

countries.

The rise of China has posed a significant challenge to this structure. Initially taking the

role of the ‘world factory’, China has not only confined itself to labour-intensive

manufacturing but has also begun to enter domains monopolised by the central countries,

such as technological learning, innovation, and design. Therefore, China has become a

hybrid actor capable of exerting influence at both lower and upper levels of the supply

chain. This situation diminishes the rigidity of the centre-periphery divide and even

indicates that in some areas, peripheral countries may have the potential to advance

inherent within the system. The case of China is not merely a story of ascent but also

signifies a structural rupture that questions the fundamental workings of the World

System.

1

In this study, Chat-Gpt was used for the translation of Chinese sources.

JANUS.NET, e-journal of International Relations

e-ISSN: 1647-7251

VOL. 16, Nº. 2, TD1

Thematic Dossier - Emerging Powers In-between Global and Regional Organizations

December 2025, pp. 84-105

Is it Possible to Explain China's Role in Regional Organisations with World System Theory?:

Shanghai Cooperation Organisation

Ferdi Güçyetmez, Tuğçe Pulurluoğlu

87

Modern China has significantly reshaped its role on the global stage over the past four

decades, establishing itself as a major player in international politics. In 1978, economic

reforms and opening-up policies initiated under Deng Xiaoping's leadership positioned

China at the centre of the world system as a swiftly growing economic power. This

transformation extended beyond economics; China's political, cultural, and military

strategies were also overhauled. China's rise has garnered considerable attention due to

its strategic and geopolitical policies. It has begun to dominate different regions

worldwide through new political influences, from Africa to the Arctic and from Latin

America to the Middle East. Examples include mining agreements in Africa, military bases

or observer status in the Arctic Council, infrastructure investments in Latin America, port

agreements, and 5G infrastructure networks. Today, as the second-largest economy

globally (Fang & Nolan, 2019), China plays a crucial role in constructing a multipolar

global order. Its influence on regional and global power dynamics has sparked renewed

discussions about the traditional centre-periphery relations in world politics.

In this context, World System Theory provides a widely used framework for analysing

economic and political relations among countries. Its theoretical approach, originally

developed by Immanuel Wallerstein, explains the world power structure through the

relationships between centre, semi-periphery and periphery countries. World System

Theory has traditionally been framed from an ethnocentric European perspective and has

accounted for the asymmetrical structures of the developing world and the workings of

capitalism in a globalised world. Yet the emergence of a fast-evolving, powerful actor like

China calls into question the fundamental assumptions of this theory. Specifically, how

does the evolution of economic, social and political systems in China differ from the

practice and historical perspectives of the theory?

Indeed, the World Systems Theory offers a compelling analysis of the inequalities

between core countries, the constraints on development in semi-peripheral nations, and

the colonised status of peripheral countries. However, this theory faces challenges in

understanding the rapidly evolving global relations and the strategic directions of

dynamic actors. While China has historically been classified as a ‘peripheral’ or ‘semi-

peripheral’ country, in the last quarter-century it has positioned itself as a power close

to the centre, even transforming the nature of this structure by introducing alternative

models that challenge the dynamics of the existing core structure in certain areas (e.g.,

production, technology, and infrastructure investments). China's rise extends beyond its

economic size to encompass its role as a military power in the South China Sea, a

diplomatic influence in Europe and Eurasia, and a cultural and economic force in Africa.

Its global initiatives, such as the ‘Belt and Road Initiative’ or the ‘Arctic Silk Road’,

challenge the hierarchical frameworks proposed by the World Systems Theory and reveal

a new form of global interaction.

It can be claimed that China's global projects aim to create a new centre in the world

economy. These projects aim to deepen China's outward-looking economic strategies and

global orientations, while expanding China's international sphere of influence. With the

Belt and Road Initiative, China seeks to gain more influence in the world system, while

simultaneously creating an alternative to the traditional Western-centric world order.

JANUS.NET, e-journal of International Relations

e-ISSN: 1647-7251

VOL. 16, Nº. 2, TD1

Thematic Dossier - Emerging Powers In-between Global and Regional Organizations

December 2025, pp. 84-105

Is it Possible to Explain China's Role in Regional Organisations with World System Theory?:

Shanghai Cooperation Organisation

Ferdi Güçyetmez, Tuğçe Pulurluoğlu

88

However, the question is whether China's use of its strategic position in the regional and

global projects is enough for it to do so and whether it will change its recognition of

related goals in its global projects and its position in the global system. Through World

System Theory, when discussing China's role in regional organisations, it should be

viewed as a transformational process that inquires into the existing world order. We can

develop an understanding of the long-term evolution of the capitalist world economy

through this framework.

China's engagement in regional institutions like the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation

(SCO) showcases its attempts to shape international architecture. It is helpful to analyse

the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation on its own terms — both for its security,

economic cooperation and diplomatic relations goals for China in the region — but also

for what they signal about China’s conception of the global order and the role it wants to

play in it.

It is important to note that regional organisations are not merely platforms designed to

conform to the interests of China alone, because the very frameworks shape a new

environment that redefines power relations in global politics. China leverages its influence

within regional organisations to tilt the balance of power in its favour in the global order.

Given this, analysing China’s regional cooperation and global projects becomes highly

crucial for understanding not just the rise of China but also the new structure of power

in world politics.

We are interested in discussing whether China’s global projects are contributing to

regionalisation

2

in world politics and whether they represent China’s endeavour to

develop its own spheres of influence in that respect. This vibrancy of Chinese Foreign

Affairs not only strengthens China's national interests in regional organisations but also

constructs the regionalisation process of world politics. China’s vision of regional

cooperation is not just regional but a global power centre, placing its leadership at its

centre.

In conclusion, this study aims to discuss the limitations of World System Theory in

understanding China's rise and international behaviour and to provide a new perspective

for dynamic and changing actors. China's rise is not only limited to economic growth but

is also shaping world politics through its strategic orientations in international relations.

Although the World System Theory provides a framework to explain China's rise, the

methods of analysis offered by the theory prove to be insufficient in understanding the

place of a dynamic and rapidly changing actor. In this context, this study aims to provide

a new perspective on the theory in understanding China's rise and its place in the world

system.

2

The word ‘regionalisation’ here refers to the organisation of global political and economic relations around

smaller, region-centric structures. The network of relations that China has established in certain geographies

through instruments such as the Belt and Road Initiative, infrastructure investments and trade agreements,

while encouraging this regionalisation, is also considered as part of China's strategy to establish influence, set

norms and propose alternative arrangements in these areas.

JANUS.NET, e-journal of International Relations

e-ISSN: 1647-7251

VOL. 16, Nº. 2, TD1

Thematic Dossier - Emerging Powers In-between Global and Regional Organizations

December 2025, pp. 84-105

Is it Possible to Explain China's Role in Regional Organisations with World System Theory?:

Shanghai Cooperation Organisation

Ferdi Güçyetmez, Tuğçe Pulurluoğlu

89

Examination of the Concepts of Centre, Semi-periphery and Periphery

Immanuel Wallerstein defined the world system as ‘a historical system with a definite

beginning and end, defined by geographical boundaries’ (Wallerstein, 2000, cited in

Williams, 2013, p. 202). This definition reveals Wallerstein's emphasis on the decisive

role of historical events and processes in his approach to the social sciences. Wallerstein

defined himself as a historical social scientist, and in this context, he built his analyses

on broad historical perspectives. In particular, the historical approach of the French

Annales School and the works of Fernand Braudel were among the main influences on

Wallerstein's world systems theory. Wallerstein, influenced by Braudel, included not only

leaders and great events in his historical analyses, but also the lives of ordinary people,

economic processes and social structures (Braudel, 1972; Malhut, 2011: 205-214).

According to Wallerstein, the modern world system emerged in Western Europe in the

late 15th century (Ness & Cope, 2021). This transformation is associated with four

fundamental structural collapses that Western Europe faced in the same period: the

decline in the power of feudal suzerains, the weakening of centralised states, the

questioning of the authority of the Church and the collapse of the Mongol Empire

(Wallerstein, 1974). These collapses upset the political and economic balance in the

region and created a favourable environment for the development of capitalism. The

dissolution of the feudal order led to the transformation of production relations and the

emergence of the capitalist mode of production, while the decline in the authority of the

Church allowed the rise of secular and market-oriented economic systems.

This new economic order became intertwined with the modern interstate system.

However, Wallerstein saw the relationship between capitalism and the interstate system

not only as a relationship of complementarity, but also as an interaction full of

contradictions. The armed conflicts caused by interstate competition and the economic

costs of these conflicts had a direct impact on the functioning of the capitalist system.

The conflicts in Europe, especially in the 16th and 17th centuries, led to a slowdown in

capital accumulation and diverted resources to military expenditures. However, such

contradictions are critical for understanding how the capitalist system has survived

institutionally and structurally (Wallerstein, 1983; Arrighi, 1994).

Hegemonic Cycles and Collapse in the World System

According to Wallerstein, the stability and continuity of the capitalist system depend on

the existence of a hegemonic power. Hegemony is a situation in which a particular state

leads the world market by achieving economic, commercial and financial superiority.

However, this leadership is not limited to economic advantages; it also includes political

and cultural dominance. The hegemonic power consolidates its economic supremacy by

gaining control of global trade routes and dominating financial sectors. At the end of this

process, the hegemonic state combines its superiority in the fields of production, trade

and finance to become a power that directs the international system (Arrighi, 1990).

Three major hegemonic powers are identified in the history of the modern world system

(Babones & Chase 2012): the Netherlands, Britain and the United States of America.

These states achieved their hegemonic position as a result of protracted wars (commonly

JANUS.NET, e-journal of International Relations

e-ISSN: 1647-7251

VOL. 16, Nº. 2, TD1

Thematic Dossier - Emerging Powers In-between Global and Regional Organizations

December 2025, pp. 84-105

Is it Possible to Explain China's Role in Regional Organisations with World System Theory?:

Shanghai Cooperation Organisation

Ferdi Güçyetmez, Tuğçe Pulurluoğlu

90

referred to as the Thirty Years' War). The first was the Thirty Years' War between 1618

and 1648. These wars resulted in the Netherlands gaining superiority over the Habsburgs.

In this period, the Netherlands controlled global trade routes and provided leadership in

the financial sector through innovative instruments (Wallerstein, 1984). The second was

the Napoleonic Wars, which took place between 1792 and 1815. In this period, Britain

triumphed against French interests by utilising its economic superiority, supported by the

Industrial Revolution. Finally, the world wars between 1914 and 1945 led to the

emergence of the United States of America (USA) as the hegemonic power. In this

process, the US led the global order with both its production capacity and its control over

the financial system (Silver & Slater, 1999).

The leadership of hegemonic powers usually has a limited lifespan. According to

Wallerstein, hegemonic states cannot sustain their economic and political advantages

indefinitely. The balance of power mechanism, as an inherent phenomenon of hegemonic

processes, provides opportunities for other states to rise. In this process, hegemonic

powers try to impose their cultural dominance to consolidate their position and increase

their legitimacy. Although language, religion and other cultural elements are among the

tools of this hegemony, the transfer of science and social science paradigms to peripheral

and semi-peripheral countries has a more lasting effect. Such hegemony implies not only

economic and political, but also intellectual and ideological leadership (Wallerstein,

2004).

Applicability of the Theory in the Emerging Powers Context

One of the questions we need to ask before entering the subject is whether Wallerstein's

theory of world-systems remains valid in the context of rising powers in today's

international system. Since the origins of this theoretical approach go back to

geographical discoveries, it is important to identify historical points. From this

perspective, it may be easier to focus on the post-WTO period in the global system. When

we look at the last thirty years of the global system, countries such as China, India, Brazil

and South Africa are in a process of transition from the semi-periphery to the centre.

Their economic growth rates, production capacities and commercial activities can be

considered as indicators of structural changes in the world-system (Arrighi, 2007). For

example, China's influence in the global economy can be observed not only through the

increase in its production capacity but also through its investment policies and soft power

influence in regions such as Africa and Asia. This confirms Wallerstein's predictions about

the dynamics of the transition to the centre.

However, the movement of rising powers towards the centre also creates new

contradictions and rivalries. In particular, existing centre powers such as the US and the

EU use instruments such as trade policies (Rojo, 2023), technological embargoes and

regional alliances to balance this rise. In this context, Wallerstein's concepts of balance

of power and hegemony provide a critical framework for understanding the dynamics of

the international system (Huang & Patman, 2013). Moreover, technological changes and

the rise of the digital economy are accelerating the transitions in the world system and

reshaping the development strategies of semi-peripheral countries (Chase-Dunn, 2014).

JANUS.NET, e-journal of International Relations

e-ISSN: 1647-7251

VOL. 16, Nº. 2, TD1

Thematic Dossier - Emerging Powers In-between Global and Regional Organizations

December 2025, pp. 84-105

Is it Possible to Explain China's Role in Regional Organisations with World System Theory?:

Shanghai Cooperation Organisation

Ferdi Güçyetmez, Tuğçe Pulurluoğlu

91

Wallerstein's theory also emphasises the importance of cultural hegemony and

ideological leadership in these transitions. Rising powers are increasing their influence

not only in the economic and commercial spheres but also in global cultural production

and scientific progress. For example, China's rapid rise in the field of technology and the

‘Belt and Road’ initiative aim to create not only economic but also cultural and political

influence (Silver, 2020). This situation reveals the new dimensions of hegemony

struggles envisaged by Wallerstein in his system theory.

Hegemonic Cycles and Collapse: Creative Destructions

After discussing the applicability of the theory in the light of specific case studies, we

conclude that new dynamics are emerging in the current international system, such as

hegemonic transformations, the decline of great powers, the rise of new powers and

creative destruction. The leadership of hegemonic powers usually has a limited lifespan.

According to Wallerstein, hegemonic states cannot sustain their economic and political

advantages indefinitely. The balance of power mechanism, as an inherent phenomenon

of hegemonic processes, provides opportunities for other states to rise. However, this

process brings not only the loss of hegemony but also the emergence of new powers.

Joseph Schumpeter's concept of ‘creative destruction’ (Schumpeter, 1942) provides an

important explanatory framework in this context. The collapse of the old hegemonic order

often results in the rise of a new order, supported by new technologies, economic models

and political structures (Schumpeter, 1942).

For example, the hegemony gained by Britain in the 19th century through the Industrial

Revolution was underpinned by an economic and technological transformation. However,

this hegemony declined as production advantages eroded and rising powers such as

Germany and the USA increased their industrial capacity (Silver, 2020). Likewise, the

American leadership of the mid-20th century rested in part on financial and technological

preeminence in the postwar era. Yet today, China's rapid ascent toward new frontiers in

the digital economy, technology, and green energy is a modern example of creative

destruction (Silver, 2020).

The kaleidoscope of creative destruction allows new forces to arise and replace the void

of the old order that was unravelling. This process, in addition to reshaping the balance

of power economically and politically, translates into struggles for the leadership of the

cultural and ideological struggle. The theory of hegemony expounded by Wallerstein

constitutes a powerful tool to explain those transformations. In the face of the old

hegemonic powers seeking to compensate for their waning economic advantage with

cultural hegemony, the new powers filled the space created by technological and

commercial innovation. Consequently, Creative destruction contributes both to structural

transformations in the capitalist world system and to its self-reproduction. If creative

destruction results in the integration of new technologies, actors or modes of production

within the system, this serves the stabilisation of the system, because a renewal of the

existing order takes place. However, if creative destruction causes existing institutions,

norms or balances of power to become unsustainable - such as the weakening of

hegemonic powers or the emergence of new actors with radical demands - then a process

of change or transformation begins in the system.

JANUS.NET, e-journal of International Relations

e-ISSN: 1647-7251

VOL. 16, Nº. 2, TD1

Thematic Dossier - Emerging Powers In-between Global and Regional Organizations

December 2025, pp. 84-105

Is it Possible to Explain China's Role in Regional Organisations with World System Theory?:

Shanghai Cooperation Organisation

Ferdi Güçyetmez, Tuğçe Pulurluoğlu

92

In this sense, the World-Systems Analysis of Immanuel Wallerstein is not only capable

of explaining the overall processes of history but also of moving towards a framework for

analysing the dynamics of the structure of the modern international system (Huang &

Patman, 2013). One concept in particular, which actually extends across all four models,

is that of creative destruction, which coincides with Wallerstein's hegemonic cycles, and

that helps us purport the connection between the fall of old powers and the rise of new

ones. Today, the rise of powers is therefore not only reflected in their tangible

advantages over others but also in the way they exercise sovereignty in the cultural and

ideological domains.

The relevance of the theory is that it demonstrates that great catastrophes are not merely

the final word but also a new chapter. The modern world system has been restructured

through such creative destruction throughout history, and with it, a new order has been

created. The part taken by China, India and other ascendant powers rates as an updated

chapter of historical cycles of hegemony. Wallerstein’s framework continues to offer a

legitimate and useful theoretical basis for explaining such changes. As long as the rise of

rising powers within the system takes place within the institutions and rules of the

existing centre, the stability of the world system is preserved, since the way the system

functions continues even if the balance of power changes. The rise of China, for example,

serves this stability as long as it is compatible with the institutions of neoliberal

globalisation. However, when these powers question the structure of the existing centre

by proposing new norms, institutions and regulations, this leads to a transformation of

the system. China's efforts to build alternative financial institutions (such as the AIIB) or

digital infrastructure norms are examples of the latter category.

China's Economic and Political Rise: A Challenge to the World System?

Different perspectives on the consequences (e.g., business, foreign policy) of China’s

integration into the world system are discussed (Kızılaslan, 2023). Some realist theorists

claim that the rise of China will result in a hegemonic conflict between the US and China,

and the US perceives this process as a threat (Mearsheimer, 2019). The liberal view

contends that China is already part of the global system in the form of free trade and

economic interdependence and that the forces of cooperation in this process can be

managed (Keohane & Nye, 2011). In stark contrast, critical theories regard China’s rise

as not merely an issue of economics and politics, but rather the establishment of a new

balance of power to counter-hegemonic ideological and cultural power (Silver, 2020).

China's economic and political rise represents a significant transformation process in the

world system. While Wallerstein's hegemonic cycles consider China's rise as a natural

evolution of the system, Schumpeter's concept of creative destruction shows that this

process is supported by innovative economic models. China's future role will depend on

the flexibility of the current global order and how the competition between the US and

China is managed. This process will be shaped not only as an economic power shift but

also as a struggle for ideological and cultural hegemony.

China's place in the global economy and politics has been shaped through various stages

throughout history. The Silk and Spice Routes started from China and extended through

JANUS.NET, e-journal of International Relations

e-ISSN: 1647-7251

VOL. 16, Nº. 2, TD1

Thematic Dossier - Emerging Powers In-between Global and Regional Organizations

December 2025, pp. 84-105

Is it Possible to Explain China's Role in Regional Organisations with World System Theory?:

Shanghai Cooperation Organisation

Ferdi Güçyetmez, Tuğçe Pulurluoğlu

93

Anatolia and the Mediterranean to the interior of Europe, through which China played an

important role in the trade of goods such as silk, spices, precious jewellery and paper

(Frankopan, 2015). However, geographical discoveries from the 16th century onwards

led to the loss of the importance of land trade routes as sea routes became more

advantageous (Brook, 2010). As a result, China's economic power gradually declined,

and the country began to decline in the global trade system. With the onset of the

Industrial Revolution in Europe (Babones & Chase, 2012), the shift of production to

mechanised industry led to a change in global trade networks, and China lost its

competitiveness against the industrialised West (Pomeranz, 2000).

China's economic decline also had major political repercussions. The Opium Wars (1839-

1842, 1856-1860) revealed China's weakness in the global system and its vulnerability

against foreign powers (Fairbank & Goldman, 2006). As a result of these wars with

Britain, China was forced to sign the Treaty of Nanking in 1842, ceding Hong Kong to

Britain and opening its ports to Western powers (Spence, 1990). Similarly, the Sino-

Japanese War of 1894-1895 symbolised China's loss of regional dominance and the rise

of Japan in East Asia (Vogel, 2011). Following this war, China's sovereignty over Taiwan

came to an end, and Japan gained a clear dominance over Chinese territory (Meisner,

1999). These developments caused China to remain in the background in world politics,

and the country was increasingly dragged into internal turmoil under the influence of

imperialist states.

In 1912, as a result of the Wuchang Uprising, the Qing Dynasty was overthrown, and the

Republic of China was established (Garnaut, Song & Fang, 2018). However, this transition

process failed to stabilise China, and economic, political and social problems deepened

(MacFarquhar & Schoenhals, 2006). Within the newly established Republic of China, the

increasing influence of the Communist Party and its political conflicts with the

Kuomintang further increased the instability of the country (Baum, 1996). Chinese

domestic politics became an arena of conflict between different political groups supported

by the US and the USSR, which led to serious instability in the country (Nathan, 1990).

Japan's invasion of Manchuria in 1931 once again showed China's weakness in the face

of external threats. When Japan declared war on China in 1937, the Communist Party

and the Kuomintang government suspended their civil wars and formed a common front

against Japan (Vogel, 2011). However, this unity came to an end after World War II, and

civil war flared up again in China. In 1949, the Communist Party led by Mao Zedong won

the civil war and established the People's Republic of China (Shirk, 1993).

The Mao period (1949-1976) was characterised by China's closed economy and

authoritarian rule. Mao's economic policy focused on centralised planning based on heavy

industry under state control, and foreign trade was limited (Meisner, 1999). Mao's

Cultural Revolution (1966-1976) and Great Leap Forward policies were implemented with

the claim of strengthening the Chinese economy, but led to major economic setbacks

and social crises in the country (MacFarquhar & Schoenhals, 2006). During the Cultural

Revolution, millions of people were arrested on political charges or forced labour and

economic development was severely hampered (Fairbank & Goldman, 2006). By the end

of this period, China increasingly lagged behind the Western world economically and

remained outside the world trading system.

JANUS.NET, e-journal of International Relations

e-ISSN: 1647-7251

VOL. 16, Nº. 2, TD1

Thematic Dossier - Emerging Powers In-between Global and Regional Organizations

December 2025, pp. 84-105

Is it Possible to Explain China's Role in Regional Organisations with World System Theory?:

Shanghai Cooperation Organisation

Ferdi Güçyetmez, Tuğçe Pulurluoğlu

94

Effects of the Reform and Opening-Up Process on the Global World

System

The death of Mao Zedong in 1976 is widely regarded as a significant turning point in

China's modern history. Although the nation had made progress and strengthened its

position since 1949, it continued to face issues of poverty and underdevelopment.

Concerns such as food security and notable disparities in living standards, particularly in

comparison to regions like Hong Kong, South Korea and Taiwan, posed substantial

challenges to the CPC's governance and policies (Garnaut, 2018). Acknowledging the

urgent need for change, the leadership sought to formulate policies to reshape the

country's future, culminating in the groundbreaking Reform and Opening-Up initiative of

1978.

Focusing on economic growth rather than ideology, Deng implemented market reforms

and started to integrate China with the global economy (Vogel, 2011). Deng viewed

reform as an essential pathway to ensure the country's long-term prosperity, and

following the Third Plenary Session of the 11th Central Committee, he managed to secure

broad support within the CPC for his liberalising agenda. His vision of "Socialism with

Chinese Characteristics" emphasised economic modernisation, a revised development

strategy, and a comprehensive reform of China's economic structure and the state.

The initial wave of reforms was concentrated in rural areas, beginning with the de-

collectivisation of agriculture, which resulted in a significant enhancement of productivity

and an improvement in rural livelihoods (Liu & Wang, 2008). Over time, these reforms

were expanded to encompass urban and industrial sectors, progressively incorporating

market mechanisms. Foreign investment was encouraged, private property was allowed

to expand in certain areas, and China's participation in world trade was accelerated

(Baum, 1996).

Moreover, initiatives such as the establishment of Special Economic Zones (SEZs),

notably those in Shenzhen and Zhuhai, played a pivotal role in attracting foreign direct

investment by offering favourable conditions for foreign investors, including tax

incentives, simplified administrative procedures, and improved infrastructure. These

SEZs functioned as experimental arenas for market-oriented economic policies, thereby

enabling China to integrate with the global economy without compromising its political

ideology (Tantri, 2013). This strategic approach fostered China's economic

modernisation, facilitated technology transfer, and enhanced exports, contributing

significantly to its rapid economic growth (Stoltenberg, 1984). Thanks to these reforms,

China's economic growth rate has increased rapidly since the 1980s, and the country has

become a centre of global production and trade. However, during this process, the

authoritarian rule of the Chinese Communist Party continued and political reforms

remained largely limited (Shirk, 1993).

China's historical transformation shows that the delicate balance between economic

growth and political stability is constantly being reshaped. In the post-Deng Xiaoping

period, economic growth was sustained under the leadership of Jiang Zemin and Hu

Jintao, but authoritarian rule continued (Zhao, 2006). Today, although China has

emerged as the world's second-largest economy, it is far from a Western-type democratic

JANUS.NET, e-journal of International Relations

e-ISSN: 1647-7251

VOL. 16, Nº. 2, TD1

Thematic Dossier - Emerging Powers In-between Global and Regional Organizations

December 2025, pp. 84-105

Is it Possible to Explain China's Role in Regional Organisations with World System Theory?:

Shanghai Cooperation Organisation

Ferdi Güçyetmez, Tuğçe Pulurluoğlu

95

transformation in political terms (Saich, 2004). This process shows that although China

has become a global economic power, it has developed a different governance model

from Western states by maintaining its authoritarian governance approach (Shirk, 1993).

China's economic and political rise in the last four decades has led to important debates

in international relations. The impact of this rise on the world system is analysed through

different theoretical approaches (Huang & Patman, 2013). Immanuel Wallerstein's World

Systems Analysis and Joseph Schumpeter's concept of creative destruction can help us

look at this issue from a different perspective (Wallerstein, 2004; Schumpeter, 1942).

China's economic growth and technological advances challenge the existing hegemonic

order. Wallerstein's analysis reveals that China's rise is a natural evolution of the global

system and should be considered as an inevitable outcome of hegemonic cycles (Silver,

2020).

One of the defining aspects of China's relationship with the international system is its

economic transformation within the global economy following the reform and opening-

up policies led by Deng Xiaoping in 1978 (Huang & Patman, 2013). The transition from

a centrally planned economy to a more market-oriented economy was marked by several

key steps, including China's accession to the World Trade Organisation (WTO) in 2001.

China's accession to the WTO marked its entry into the global trading system, facilitating

its growth and positioning it as a major player in the world economy. This access to the

EU market depended on a series of effective economic reforms, such as lowering tariffs,

increasing transparency in trade and eliminating subsidies (Jelisavac-Trošić, 2019).

Integration into the global trading system has not only been the main source of China's

export-led growth, but has also mediated access to global markets and technologies for

its industries. However, the integration process has also brought challenges for local

firms, such as intensified competition and higher levels of scrutiny over business practices

(Zhang, 2005). Despite these challenges and setbacks, WTO membership has

consolidated China's leading position in the world economy and demonstrated its

willingness, even eagerness, to become a major player in the global economic system.

Since 1980, China has grown at an average annual rate of over 9%, making it the centre

of the world economy (World Bank, 2022). China's investments in industry and

technology have made it one of the most important players in international trade. While

China's place in the global system is transformative, it is also fraught with challenges.

The Chinese state struggles to balance domestic priorities with external expectations.

For example, domestically, the government places great emphasis on economic stability,

poverty reduction and sustainable development, which sometimes conflict with

international calls for greater market liberalisation and adherence to international

standards (Potter, 2007). In China, the protection of state-owned enterprises or the

regulation of technology industries has been characterised as protectionist, albeit in line

with national strategic objectives. Criticisms of unfair trade practices, intellectual

property theft and barriers to accessing Chinese markets have led to high-profile trade

tensions and tariffs, further escalating tensions (Tyagi, 2020). China's balancing actions

in these two areas are another key level of China's engagement in the global system

(Huang & Patman, 2013).’

JANUS.NET, e-journal of International Relations

e-ISSN: 1647-7251

VOL. 16, Nº. 2, TD1

Thematic Dossier - Emerging Powers In-between Global and Regional Organizations

December 2025, pp. 84-105

Is it Possible to Explain China's Role in Regional Organisations with World System Theory?:

Shanghai Cooperation Organisation

Ferdi Güçyetmez, Tuğçe Pulurluoğlu

96

The economic reforms initiated by Deng Xiaoping have profoundly reshaped the global

system, catalysing China's ascent to the status of an economic powerhouse while

introducing complex challenges in international relations and trade. The rapid economic

growth and integration into the global market facilitated by these reforms have created

significant opportunities for global economic development. The country's role as a

significant exporter and importer has intricately linked its economy with those of other

nations, fostering mutual economic interdependence. In particular, the Belt and Road

Initiative has enabled China to expand its global sphere of influence and reinforced its

dominance over global supply chains by increasing infrastructure investments in

developing countries (Mearsheimer, 2019). However, the US and Europe's perception of

this project as a geopolitical strategy has led to tension in the global balance of power.

Joseph Schumpeter's concept of creative destruction can be explained by the

replacement of old economic and political orders with innovative systems. China's

investments in the digital economy, artificial intelligence and green energy are eroding

the US technological leadership in global competition (Breznitz, 2021). While technology

companies such as Huawei, Alibaba and Tencent have become influential players on a

global scale, China's superiority in 5G technologies threatens the US dominance over

technology. From a Schumpeterian perspective, China's rise is not only the result of

hegemonic transformation but also part of the dynamic nature of the economic system

(Schumpeter, 1942).

China's influence in global politics is reflected in its involvement in platforms such as the

Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank and BRICS (Garnaut, Song & Fang, 2018). Its

efforts to create an alternative to Western-centred financial systems enable China to

have a greater say in global governance (Kissinger, 2011). However, China's sovereignty

claims in the South China Sea and its Taiwan policy increase tensions with the West. The

US and its allies see China's expansion of its regional influence as a threat, and this

situation raises the prospect of a new Cold War scenario (Allison, 2017).

Today, China's economy grew by 5.2 per cent in 2023, increasing its total Gross Domestic

Product (GDP) to 126.06 trillion yuan (approximately $17.71 trillion) (National Bureau of

Statistics [NBS], 2024: 3). This growth rate indicates that China is recovering from the

COVID-19 pandemic. Moreover, industrial production and retail sales increased by 4.6

per cent and 7.2 per cent, respectively, in 2023 (NIB, 2024: 5). These data reveal that

China has increased its production capacity and domestic consumption potential.

In terms of foreign trade, China's export and import volumes have also shown a

significant increase. In 2023, China's total foreign trade volume reached USD 6.05 trillion

(Ministry of Commerce of China, 2024: 8). This figure shows that China's share in global

trade is increasing and its effectiveness in international markets is strengthening. In

addition, China's foreign investments have also increased. In 2023, China's direct

investments abroad totalled 153.7 billion dollars (Ministry of Commerce of China, 2024:

12). This shows that China has gone beyond being just a production centre in the global

economy and has become a capital-exporting country.

The Belt and Road Initiative is one of the cornerstones of China's global economic

strategy. The initiative covers a wide range of projects such as infrastructure projects,

ports, railways and energy investments in Asia, Europe and Africa. As of August 2023,

JANUS.NET, e-journal of International Relations

e-ISSN: 1647-7251

VOL. 16, Nº. 2, TD1

Thematic Dossier - Emerging Powers In-between Global and Regional Organizations

December 2025, pp. 84-105

Is it Possible to Explain China's Role in Regional Organisations with World System Theory?:

Shanghai Cooperation Organisation

Ferdi Güçyetmez, Tuğçe Pulurluoğlu

97

$22 billion had been invested in 75 projects from the Silk Road Fund (Anadolu Agency,

2023). In addition, the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) has so far approved

loans totalling $43.6 billion for 227 projects under the Belt and Road (Anadolu Agency,

2023). These investments can be considered as part of China's strategy to increase its

influence in the global economy and rise to the position of a centre country.

Geopolitically, China's investments under the Belt and Road Initiative cover many

countries in Asia, Africa and Europe. For example, in Pakistan, billions of dollars have

been invested in energy and infrastructure projects under the China-Pakistan Economic

Corridor. In Africa, large-scale investments such as railway and port projects have been

realised in Nigeria (Fang, 2024: 35). These investments increase China's economic and

political influence in these regions, bringing it closer to the position of a centre country.

Figure 1. China’s Transition from Semi-Periphery to Near-Centre Status.

Figure generated by the author based on the study’s findings.

In conclusion, as shown in Figure 1, China’s economic performance in recent years, along

with its investments under the Belt and Road Initiative, has positioned it as a country

moving from the periphery to the centre in the context of Wallerstein’s centre–periphery

theory. With its high-tech production structure, increasing foreign trade volume and

international investments, China is gradually increasing its influence in the global

economy.

Shanghai Cooperation Organisation and Regional Sphere of Influence

Policies

In the wake of the Cold War, coupled with China's significant economic and political

challenges at home, China's foreign policymakers continually faced the challenge of

balancing two conflicting self-images: that of a great power and that of a developing

country (Zhao, 2015; Zhang, 2004). They inherently regarded China as a great power

due to its historical legacy, cultural richness, and large population, and they valued its

emerging status on the global stage. However, there was uncertainty about whether

China's capabilities would enable it to wield sufficient influence internationally. Thus, in

this period, China's identity was stressed as a developing country and adopted a cautious

and low-profile approach. This approach was guided by Deng Xiaoping's "taoguang

JANUS.NET, e-journal of International Relations

e-ISSN: 1647-7251

VOL. 16, Nº. 2, TD1

Thematic Dossier - Emerging Powers In-between Global and Regional Organizations

December 2025, pp. 84-105

Is it Possible to Explain China's Role in Regional Organisations with World System Theory?:

Shanghai Cooperation Organisation

Ferdi Güçyetmez, Tuğçe Pulurluoğlu

98

yanghui" (韬光养晦) principle, which emphasised concealing China's capabilities,

prioritising national strength-building, and avoiding confrontation.

China's foreign policy changed significantly during Hu Jintao's rule, moving from a low-

profile policy to one that is more proactive and assertive on the international stage. This

was a unique and transformative moment for China on the global stage that saw a sharp

increase in the Chinese economy's and society's diplomatic, economic, and strategic

connections outside its borders. The administration devoted major efforts toward actively

engaging with other nations through international organisations, as well as through the

promotion of the idea of peaceful rise (Wen, 2003). This foreign policy, guided by Deng's

principles, represented a more assertive and active stance in international affairs,

reflecting China's determination for peaceful development and benevolent

interdependence (He & Liu, 2021).

Moreover, China has been a founding and active member of the Shanghai Cooperation

Organisation (SCO), which was created in 2001 based on the earlier Shanghai Five. So

far, the SCO has played a significant role in facilitating China's peaceful rise strategy by

fostering regional security cooperation, economic development, and political stability

among the member states. The principles of mutual respect, non-interference, and

collective decision-making emphasised by the SCO align with China's vision of a

harmonious and balanced international order, contributing to its perception as a

responsible great power on the world stage (Carroll, 2011; Yuan, 2010).

Xi Jinping is the biggest political force in 2012 and has transformed China's foreign policy

into a better vision. Xi has implemented a new approach to diplomacy, known as ''major-

country diplomacy'', reflecting China ability to project confidence in its growing economic

and international standing (Lin, 2018) Xi's language towards multilateralism also pointed

towards a growing role for China as a leader of the developing world, while also

reaffirming this as a step in the right direction towards a multipolar world, where global

power is not only held by one superpower. As a result, China has expanded its role in

international organisations, including the United Nations, the World Health Organisation

and the World Trade Organisation.

Accordingly, Xi has always regarded the SCO as an important channel to increase China's

regional and global clout. Xi has overseen a dramatically expanding SCO, not only in

membership, but in range. India and Pakistan attained SCO membership in 2017, thus

extending its reach to South Asia, while Iran’s membership in 2023 expanded its reach

to the Middle East. Originally established to combat terrorism, separatism, and

extremism, today the SCO's mandate has expanded to encompass a range of issues,

such as energy security and cooperation, economic development, and emerging non-

traditional security challenges. Therefore, the SCO is also the largest regional

organisation in the world based on geography and population, as shown in map 1,

covering about 80 per cent of the Eurasian landmass and 40 per cent of the world

population. By 2021, its members represented 20 per cent of the world’s economy.

Following the inclusion of Iran, the SCO controls one-fifth of the globe’s oil reserves and

44 per cent of natural gas reserves (see Teekah 2025).

JANUS.NET, e-journal of International Relations

e-ISSN: 1647-7251

VOL. 16, Nº. 2, TD1

Thematic Dossier - Emerging Powers In-between Global and Regional Organizations

December 2025, pp. 84-105

Is it Possible to Explain China's Role in Regional Organisations with World System Theory?:

Shanghai Cooperation Organisation

Ferdi Güçyetmez, Tuğçe Pulurluoğlu

99

Map 1. Shanghai Cooperation Organisation Members.

Source: Map created by the author using data from the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation

Secretariat website (sectsco.org).

Map 2. Map of countries of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) in May 2025

Source: Map created by the author using data from Christoph Nedopil’s findings

(www.greenfdc.org).

China's policy of regional sphere of influence takes root in its economic initiatives, too.

As one of Xi's flagship and most ambitious projects, the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI)

seeks to expand and strengthen connectivity and cooperation between Asia, Africa, and

Europe. The BRI has not only expanded China’s geopolitical clout, but it has also

strategically financed infrastructure projects that allow China to access critical natural

resources and strategic locations. The massive economic growth in China has also

improved China's geopolitical interests by establishing more diplomatic relations with

several countries and enhancing China's soft power and thus enhancing its sway in

shaping regional and global governance frameworks (Chiebuka, Oyedele, & Odike, 2025;

Feng et al., 2023). Map 2 illustrates the extensive network of participating BRI countries,

JANUS.NET, e-journal of International Relations

e-ISSN: 1647-7251

VOL. 16, Nº. 2, TD1

Thematic Dossier - Emerging Powers In-between Global and Regional Organizations

December 2025, pp. 84-105

Is it Possible to Explain China's Role in Regional Organisations with World System Theory?:

Shanghai Cooperation Organisation

Ferdi Güçyetmez, Tuğçe Pulurluoğlu

100

underscoring the geographic scope of the initiative and reflecting China’s growing

influence across multiple continents.

Moreover, in Xi's vision of humanity, he has championed the idea of a "community of

common destiny for mankind," which highlighted China's aspiration to build a just and

equitable multipolar world and inclusive and beneficial economic globalisation (MFA,

2025). The ideas of ‘peaceful development’ and the ‘community of common destiny’ are

vastly different. The latter shows that China intends to make great efforts to establish a

new international and regional order and to take the lead in establishing the community

of common destiny (Liu, 2015). This is a clear break from the 'low profile' strategy and

indicates that China wants to take up a more activist role in global governance.” Xi also

stressed what is now referred to as the “two guidances” (两个引导), namely, that China

should “guide” the international community as it drives “jointly shape a fairer and more

reasonable new international order” and “jointly safeguard international security”

(Xinhua, 2017). His strong personal interest in foreign affairs — marked by extensive

engagements with diplomats and his so-called cloud diplomacy — mirrors his hands-on

approach to foreign policy. These changes under Xi's leadership have greatly advanced

China’s aim for multipolarity and also helped to straightforwardly enhance its

multilateralism.

Realising this, we can conclude that China has transformed its regional and global

strategy from the opening-up reforms to the present. Through a more assertive and

multilateral approach, China has bolstered its diplomatic, economic, and strategic soft

power, carving out an evolved and ambitious image of itself that grows from the roots

planted during the Opening Up Reforms. The change illustrates how confident, even

ambitious, China is to reconfigure its global role by using trade, diplomacy, military

modernisation, and technological innovation. A grasp of this shift has much to say about

explaining the tribute and China's plans for the future.

The establishment of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) and the expansion

of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) are prime examples of China's proactive engagement

in multilateral platforms and global trade networks. Under Xi Jinping's leadership, these

multilateral strategies have been further prioritised and expanded to solidify China's

regional sphere of influence and promote a multipolar world order. China, once

considered a periphery country, has rapidly ascended to the semi-periphery, and now its

actions can be interpreted as an attempt to transition from a semi-peripheral to a core

power within the global system. This shift is leading to a re-division of labour and

economic opportunities, impacting both the Global North and South (Li, 2020;

Sarieddine, 2021), not only serving to China's economic interests but also positioning it

as a counterweight to Western influence, particularly that of the United States (Jia,

2007). The BRI, in particular, is seen as a potential new world-system where China could

emerge as a core power, exerting significant influence over participating states.

Conclusion: Is World System Theory Adequate to Explain China?

World System Theory still provides an important framework for analysing China's

economic rise and its place in the global system. However, China's economic growth,

JANUS.NET, e-journal of International Relations

e-ISSN: 1647-7251

VOL. 16, Nº. 2, TD1

Thematic Dossier - Emerging Powers In-between Global and Regional Organizations

December 2025, pp. 84-105

Is it Possible to Explain China's Role in Regional Organisations with World System Theory?:

Shanghai Cooperation Organisation

Ferdi Güçyetmez, Tuğçe Pulurluoğlu

101

technological development, geopolitical moves, and efforts to create an alternative global

order transcend this classical theory. In other words, we can say that new theoretical

changes are needed for the modern rising powers.

China's high-value-added technological investments, innovation values, new global

projects, and search for new markets take it beyond the classical theory. The reason for

this is that, according to world-systems theory, only central countries produce this kind

of added value. In other words, China goes beyond the traditional definition. According

to the theory, semi-peripheral countries are expected to develop through technology

transfer, but China is not merely an importer of technology; it has created its own

technology giants and begun to assert global leadership in strategic fields such as artificial

intelligence, quantum technology, 10G technology, and space research.

China is also transcending this theoretical model by creating its own regional models in

opposition to Western-centric economic models. The SCO is one of the organisations that

transcends this model. By creating its own regional dynamism through the SCO, China is

once again strengthening its role as a central country. According to World System Theory,

semi-peripheral countries remain in the global economic order as long as they are

dependent on central economies.

The SCO has provided China with the opportunity to reduce its dependence and establish

new economic alliances. The integration of international projects into the SCO, SCO-

centred energy agreements and economic agreements, the expansion of commercial

partnerships with an SCO-centred local currency, etc., have brought China to the position

of a central country.

In conclusion, while the World-System Theory largely explains China's rise in the global

system through the SCO, it has some shortcomings. To fully understand how China will

shape the global system, alternative theoretical frameworks are needed. In addition to

this theoretical approach, theoretical approaches such as hegemony transition theory,

multipolar world theory, the Neo-Gramscian approach, and balance of interests theory

will help complement Wallerstein's theory. New theoretical changes are needed for

modern rising powers.

References

Anadolu Agency. (2023). Kuşak ve Yol Girişimi kapsamında yapılan yatırımlar ve AIIB'nin

projeleri. Access Line: https://www.aa.com.tr

Arrighi, G. (1990). The Developmentalist Illusion: A Reconceptualisation of the

Semiperiphery. W. G. Martin (Ed.). Semiperipheral States in the World-Economy,

Greenwood Press, 11-42.

Arrighi, G. (1994). The Long Twentieth Century: Money, Power, And the Origins of Our

Times. Verso Books.

Babones, S., & Chase-Dunn, C. (2012). Routledge Handbook of World-Systems Analysis

(1st ed.). Routledge.

JANUS.NET, e-journal of International Relations

e-ISSN: 1647-7251

VOL. 16, Nº. 2, TD1

Thematic Dossier - Emerging Powers In-between Global and Regional Organizations

December 2025, pp. 84-105

Is it Possible to Explain China's Role in Regional Organisations with World System Theory?:

Shanghai Cooperation Organisation

Ferdi Güçyetmez, Tuğçe Pulurluoğlu

102

Baum, R. (1996). Burying Mao: Chinese Politics in the Age of Deng Xiaoping. Princeton

University Press.

Braudel, F. (1972). The Mediterranean and the Mediterranean World in the Age of Philip

II. Harper & Row.

Brook, T. (2010). The Troubled Empire: China in the Yuan and Ming Dynasties. Harvard

University Press.

Carroll, W.E. (2011). China in the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation: Hegemony, Multi-

Polar Balance or Cooperation in Central Asia, International Journal of Humanities and

Social Science. Vol. 1(19): 1-8.

Chiebuka, A. Q., Oyedele, O. O., & Odike, C. O. (2025). The Belt and Road Initiative:

China’s Vision for Global Connectivity and Soft Power Influence. Asian Journal of

Education and Social Studies. Vol. 51(1): 262-272.

Ministry of Commerce of China. (2024). 2023 China Foreign Investment Report. Beijing:

Chinese Government Publishing.

Fairbank, J. K., & Goldman, M. (2006). China: A New History. Harvard University Press.

Fang, C., & Nolan, P. (2019). Routledge Handbook of the Belt and Road (1st ed.).

Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9780429203039.

Fang, S. (2024). The Belt and Road Initiative: Geopolitical Implications for South

Asia. Eva Publishing, Vol. 71(1): 35. DOI: https://doi.org/10.54254/2753-

7048/71/2025LC0006

Feng, Y., Feng, F., Xu, Z., Xue, Y., Gao, Y., & Feng, H. (2023). Economic Factors That

Underline China's Diplomatic Pursuits in The World. Lecture Notes in Education,

Psychology, and Public Media. Vol. 37(1): 6-12. https://doi.org/10.54254/2753-

7048/37/20240489.

Frankopan, P. (2015). The Silk Roads: A New History of the World. Vintage.

Garnaut, R. (2018). 40 Years of Chinese Economic Reform and Development and the

Challenge of 50. In R. Garnaut, Ligang S., and F. Cai (eds), China’s 40 Years of Reform

and Development 1978–2018, ANU Press: Australia.

Garnaut, R., Song, L., Fang, C. (2018). China's 40 Years of Reform and Development:

1978-2018. China Update Book Series, ANU Press, Acton,

https://doi.org/10.22459/CYRD.07.2018.

He, K., & Liu, F. (2021). China’s Peaceful Rise: From Narrative to Practice. In T. V. Paul,

D. W. Larson, H. A. Trinkunas, A. Wivel & R. Emmers (Eds.), The Oxford Handbook of

Peaceful Change in International Relations. Oxford: Oxford University Press. 445–462.

Huang, X., & Patman, R. (2013). China and the International System: Becoming a World

Power (1st ed.). Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9780203436127

Jelisavac Trošić, S. (2019). China's accession to the World Trade Organisation: The

Process and the Effects. Megatrend revija, Vol. 16(1): 173-192.

https://doi.org/10.5937/MegRev1901173J.

JANUS.NET, e-journal of International Relations

e-ISSN: 1647-7251

VOL. 16, Nº. 2, TD1

Thematic Dossier - Emerging Powers In-between Global and Regional Organizations

December 2025, pp. 84-105

Is it Possible to Explain China's Role in Regional Organisations with World System Theory?:

Shanghai Cooperation Organisation

Ferdi Güçyetmez, Tuğçe Pulurluoğlu

103

Jia, Q. (2007). The Shanghai Cooperation Organisation: China’s Experiment in

Multilateral Leadership. In I. Akihiro (Ed.), Eager Eyes Fixed on Eurasia: Russia and Its

Eastern Edge. Slavie Research Centre, Hokkaido University: 113-123.

Keohane, R. O., & Nye, J. S. (2011). Power and Interdependence. Longman.

Kızılaslan, T. K. (2023). In Partial Fulfilment of The Requirements For the Degree of

Master of Science in the Department of International Relations. Middle East Technical

University, Doctoral thesis. https://www.proquest.com/docview/3122684112

Kissinger, H. (2011). On China. Penguin Books.

Li, X. (2020). The Rise of China and Its Impact on World Economic Stratification and Re-

Stratification. Cambridge Review of International Affairs. Vol. 34(4): 530–550.

https://doi.org/10.1080/09557571.2020.1800589

Li, X., & Wang, Y. (2023). Technological Innovation and Economic Growth in China.

Journal of Asian Economics. Vol. 45 (2): 110-125.

Lin, Z. (2018). Xi Jinping’s ‘Major Country Diplomacy’: The Impacts of China’s Growing

Capacity. Journal of Contemporary China. Vol. 28 (115): 31–46.

https://doi.org/10.1080/10670564.2018.1497909

Liu, D., & Wang, Q. (2008). 改革开放时期邓小平民生思想论略 [A Brief Discussion on Deng

Xiaoping's Thoughts on People's Livelihood during the Period of Reform and Opening Up].

盐城师范学院学报（人文社会科学版）

Journal of Yancheng Education University Humanities

& Social Sciences. Vol. 28(3), 7-11.

Liu, Z. (2015). 亚洲命运共同体的内涵和构建思路 [The Concept and Construction Approach

of the Asian Community of Destiny].

《国际问题研究》

International Studies. Vol. 4: 40-

53.

MacFarquhar, R., & Schoenhals, M. (2006). Mao's Last Revolution. Belknap Press.

Mearsheimer, J. J. (2019). The Great Delusion: Liberal Dreams and International

Realities. Yale University Press.

Meisner, M. (1999). Mao's China and After: A History of the People's Republic. Free Press.

MFA. (2025) Holding High the Banner of Building a Community with a Shared Future for

Mankind and Striving for Greater Achievements in Major-Country Diplomacy with Chinese

Characteristics. China MFA.

https://www.mfa.gov.cn/eng/wjbzhd/202501/t20250127_11546599.html

Ministry of Trade of Türkiye. (2024). China Country Profile: Economic Data. October-

November 2024. Access address: https://ticaret.gov.tr

National Bureau of Statistics (NBS). (2024). China Economic Growth Report 2023.

Beijing: NAB Publishing.

Ness, I. & Cope, Z. (2021). The Palgrave Encyclopedia of Imperialism and Anti-

Imperialism. https://link.springer.com/referencework/10.1007/978-3-030-29901-

9#overview

JANUS.NET, e-journal of International Relations

e-ISSN: 1647-7251

VOL. 16, Nº. 2, TD1

Thematic Dossier - Emerging Powers In-between Global and Regional Organizations

December 2025, pp. 84-105

Is it Possible to Explain China's Role in Regional Organisations with World System Theory?:

Shanghai Cooperation Organisation

Ferdi Güçyetmez, Tuğçe Pulurluoğlu

104

Pomeranz, K. (2000). The Great Divergence: China, Europe, and the Making of the

Modern World Economy. Princeton University Press.

Potter, P. B. (2007). China and the International Legal System: Challenges of

Participation. The China Quarterly. Vol. 191. 699–715.

http://www.jstor.org/stable/20192815

Rojo, V.R. (2023). The US-China Race for Economic Hegemony in the World-System:

Individual and Structural Power from a Network Perspective. Doctoral Thesis, Universidad

Camilo José Cela, chrome-

extension://efaidnbmnnnibpcajpcglclefindmkaj/http://repositorio.ucjc.edu/bitstream/ha

ndle/20.500.12020/1343/Tesis%20Juan%20V%c3%a1zquez%20Final.pdf?isAllowed=y

&sequence=1

Sarieddine, T. (2021). Middle Kingdom Enters Middle East: A World-Systems Analysis of

Peripheralization along the Maritime Silk Road Initiative. Journal of World-Systems

Research. Vol. 27(1), 177–201. https://doi.org/10.5195/jwsr.2021.1027

Schumpeter, J. A. (1942). Capitalism, socialism and democracy. Harper & Brothers.

Silver, B. J. (2020). Forces of Labour: Workers' Movements and Globalisation Since 1870.

Cambridge University Press.

Silver, B. J., & Slater, E. (1999). The Social Origins of World Hegemonies. Politics &

Society, Vol. 27 (2): 195-240.

Stoltenberg, C. D. (1984). China’s Special Economic Zones: Their Development and

Prospects. Asian Survey. Vol. 24 (6): 637–654.

Tantri, M.L. (2013). Trajectories of China’s Integration with the World Economy through

SEZs: A Study of Shenzhen SEZ. China Report. Vol. 49 (2): 227-250.

Teekah, E. (2025, January 23). Shanghai Cooperation Organisation. Encyclopedia

Britannica. https://www.britannica.com/topic/Shanghai-Cooperation-Organization

Tyagi, K. (2020). China's Pursuit of Industrial Policy Objectives: Does the WTO (Really)

Have an Answer? Journal of World Trade, Vol. 54 (4), 615-642.

https://doi.org/10.54648/trad2020027

Vogel, E. F. (2011). Deng Xiaoping and the Transformation of China. Harvard University

Press.

Wallerstein, I. (1974). "The Rise and Future Demise of the World Capitalist System:

Concepts for Comparative Analysis." Comparative Studies in Society and History. Vol. 16

(4): 387-415.

Wallerstein, I. (1983). Historical Capitalism. London: Verso.

Wallerstein, I. (1984). The Politics of the World-Economy: The States, the Movements

and the Civilisations. Cambridge University Press.

Wallerstein, I. (2004). World-Systems Analysis: An Introduction. Durham and London:

Duke University Press.

JANUS.NET, e-journal of International Relations

e-ISSN: 1647-7251

VOL. 16, Nº. 2, TD1

Thematic Dossier - Emerging Powers In-between Global and Regional Organizations

December 2025, pp. 84-105

Is it Possible to Explain China's Role in Regional Organisations with World System Theory?:

Shanghai Cooperation Organisation

Ferdi Güçyetmez, Tuğçe Pulurluoğlu

105

Wang, H., & Liu, J. (2023). Challenges to China's Economic Sustainability. China

Economic Review. Vol. 50 (3): 130-145.

Wen, J. (2003). Turning Your Eyes to China [Speech transcript]. People’s Daily Online.

http://en.people.cn/200312/12/eng20031212_130267.shtml

World Bank. (2022). China’s Economic Outlook and Future Projections. Retrieved from

https://www.worldbank.org

Xinhua. (2017). 习近平主持召开国家安全工作座谈会 [Xi Jinping presides over a symposium

on national security work]. Xinhua. https://www.xinhuanet.com/politics/2017-

02/17/c_1120486809.htm

Yuan, J. (2010). China's Role in Establishing and Building the Shanghai Cooperation

Organisation (SCO), Journal of Contemporary China, Vol. 19 (67): 855-869.

Zhang, D. (2005). The Opportunities and Challenges of China’s Joining the World Trade

Organisation. The Chinese Economy. Vol 38 (2): 5–15.

https://doi.org/10.1080/10971475.2005.11033520

Zhang, L. (2023). The Belt and Road Initiative: China's Path to a New Global Order.

International Affairs. Vol. 99 (1): 70-90.

Zhang, T. (2004). Self-Identity Construction of the Present China. Comparative Strategy,

Vol 23 (3): 281-301. DOI: 10.1080/01495930490479024

Zhao, S. (2015). China’s Power from a Chinese Perspective (I): A Developing Country

versus a Great Power. In J. Chung (Ed.), Assessing China’s Power, Asan-Palgrave

Macmillan Series, UK: Palgrave Macmillan. 251-270.