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e-ISSN: 1647-7251

VOL. 16, Nº. 2, TD1

Thematic Dossier - Emerging Powers In-between

Global and Regional Organizations

December 2025

24

MIGRATION AS SOFT POWER IN REGIONAL INSTITUTIONS: THE CASE OF

SOUTH ASIA AND THE GULF COOPERATION COUNCIL (GCC)

AKM AHSAN ULLAH

akmahsanullah@gmail.com

FASS, University of Brunei Darussalam (Brunei)

Abstract

Migration has become an important soft power tool for South Asian states working with

regional organisations such as the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC). This article examines how

South Asian countries strategically manage labour migration policies within the GCC

framework to protect the interests of their migrants while countering domestic political

pressures and economic dependencies. The study asks the question: How do South Asian

states use labour migration in regional institutions such as the Gulf Cooperation Council to

balance national sovereignty and international cooperation in a multipolar world, where

established powers like the United States and emerging great powers such as China compete

for influence? Drawing on Nye’s concept of soft power and Keohane’s neoliberal

institutionalism, this article argues that migration is not merely a socio-economic phenomenon

but also a diplomatic advantage. South Asian states use migration to negotiate favourable

terms with GCC countries, ensure economic security through remittances and at the same

time maintain their regional influence. By analysing migration-related agreements, labour

policies and bilateral commitments, this article highlights the dual role of regional

organisations as collaborators and challengers of global institutions. The findings show that

labour migration policy in the Gulf Cooperation Council is a balancing act of strengthening

economic interdependence while managing the complexities of sovereignty and international

politics.

Keywords

Migration Diplomacy, Soft Power, Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), Labour Mobility, Regional

Institutions.

Resumo

A migração tornou-se uma importante ferramenta de soft power para os Estados do sul da

Ásia que trabalham com organizações regionais, como o Conselho de Cooperação do Golfo

(CCG). Este artigo examina como os países do sul da Ásia gerem estrategicamente as políticas

de migração laboral no âmbito do CCG para proteger os interesses dos seus migrantes, ao

mesmo tempo que combatem as pressões políticas internas e as dependências económicas.

O estudo coloca a seguinte questão: como é que os Estados do sul da Ásia utilizam a migração

laboral em instituições regionais como o Conselho de Cooperação do Golfo para equilibrar a

soberania nacional e a cooperação internacional num mundo multipolar, onde potências

estabelecidas como os Estados Unidos e grandes potências emergentes como a China

competem por influência? Baseando-se no conceito de soft power de Nye e no

institucionalismo neoliberal de Keohane, este artigo defende que a migração não é apenas um

fenómeno socioeconómico, mas também uma vantagem diplomática. Os Estados do sul da

JANUS.NET, e-journal of International Relations

e-ISSN: 1647-7251

VOL. 16, Nº. 2, TD1

Thematic Dossier - Emerging Powers In-between Global and Regional Organizations

December 2025, pp. 24-47

Migration as Soft Power in Regional Institutions: The Case of South Asia and the Gulf

Cooperation Council (GCC)

Akm Ahsan Ullah

25

Ásia utilizam a migração para negociar condições favoráveis com os países do CCG, garantir

a segurança económica através de remessas e, ao mesmo tempo, manter a sua influência

regional. Ao analisar acordos relacionados com a migração, políticas laborais e compromissos

bilaterais, este artigo destaca o duplo papel das organizações regionais como colaboradoras

e desafiadoras das instituições globais. As conclusões mostram que a política de migração

laboral no Conselho de Cooperação do Golfo é um ato de equilíbrio entre o reforço da

interdependência económica e a gestão das complexidades da soberania e da política

internacional.

Palavras-chave

Diplomacia migratória, Soft Power, Conselho de Cooperação do Golfo (CCG), Mobilidade

laboral, Instituições regionais.

How to cite this article

Ullah, Akm Ahsan (2025). Migration as Soft Power in Regional Institutions: The Case of South Asia

and the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC). Janus.net, e-journal of international relations. Thematic

Dossier - Emerging Powers In-between Global and Regional Organizations, VOL. 16, Nº. 2, TD1,

December 2025, pp. 24-47. https://doi.org/10.26619/1647-7251.DT0525.2

Article submitted on 13th February 2025 and accepted for publication on 07th August

2025.

JANUS.NET, e-journal of International Relations

e-ISSN: 1647-7251

VOL. 16, Nº. 2, TD1

Thematic Dossier - Emerging Powers In-between Global and Regional Organizations

December 2025, pp. 24-47

Migration as Soft Power in Regional Institutions: The Case of South Asia and the Gulf

Cooperation Council (GCC)

Akm Ahsan Ullah

26

MIGRATION AS SOFT POWER IN REGIONAL INSTITUTIONS: THE

CASE OF SOUTH ASIA AND THE GULF COOPERATION COUNCIL

(GCC)

AKM AHSAN ULLAH

Introduction

The intersection of migration, diplomacy, international relations and soft power has

become a heated topic in academic discourse, which reflects the growing recognition of

migration as a foreign policy tool and geopolitical challenge. Scholars argue that states

are increasingly using migration diplomacy - through visa policies, labour agreements

and refugee negotiations - to advance strategic interests and influence international

relations (Adamson & Tsourapas, 2020, p. 857; FitzGerald, 2019). The concept of

migration as soft power is also gaining traction (Ullah, 2025, p. 6). Research shows how

diasporas, humanitarian action and cultural exchange influence global perceptions and

the legitimacy of states (Kunz, Lavenex, & Panizzon, 2011, p. 69). As global migration

crises intensify and political disputes over border controls and human rights intensify,

academic debates on migration and diplomacy continue to evolve, bridging the gap

between migration studies and international relations theory (Betts, 2011, 112; Gamlen,

2019, p. 43).

The migration corridor between South Asia and the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC)

countries is one of the most important labour flows in the world. This movement is largely

driven by the economic interdependence between the two regions, with the GCC’s

demand for labour, particularly in construction, domestic work and services, coinciding

with surplus labour from South Asia in search of better economic prospects. In 2024,

there were approximately 16 million legal migrants living in the GCC region, a significant

proportion of whom were from South Asian countries (Jawed, 2024; Ullah et al, 2024).

In countries such as Qatar and the United Arab Emirates, foreign labour accounts for up

to 80% of the total population, highlighting the central importance of migration in shaping

the demographic and economic landscape of the Gulf (Ullah, 2025a, p. 9). However, this

labour mobility is fraught with complex issues, including governance challenges, labour

rights issues and the evolving role of regional organisations in facilitating and regulating

these movements.

Migration has always been a defining feature of relations between South Asia and the

GCC. Millions of workers, primarily from India, Bangladesh, Pakistan, Nepal and Sri

Lanka, seek employment in Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Qatar, Kuwait, Oman

and Bahrain (Rahman, 2013). These migration flows are driven by a combination of

economic inequalities, the demand for labour in the GCC, the supply of labour in South

JANUS.NET, e-journal of International Relations

e-ISSN: 1647-7251

VOL. 16, Nº. 2, TD1

Thematic Dossier - Emerging Powers In-between Global and Regional Organizations

December 2025, pp. 24-47

Migration as Soft Power in Regional Institutions: The Case of South Asia and the Gulf

Cooperation Council (GCC)

Akm Ahsan Ullah

27

Asia and long-standing historical ties between the regions (Wickramasekara, 2014, p. 3;

Ullah, 2017, p. 7). South Asian migrants make up a significant proportion of the labour

force, particularly in sectors such as construction, domestic work and services (ILO,

2021).

Migrants make a significant contribution to the economy of the country of origin and the

destination country — the former through remittances, the latter by increasing the labour

force (World Bank, 2022). In addition to economic contributions, migration plays a crucial

role in shaping social and diplomatic relations between South Asia and the GCC. At the

societal level, migration fosters transnational networks, cultural exchanges and diasporic

influences that shape perceptions and policies in both sending and receiving countries

(Gardner, 2011, p. 74-77). At the political level, migration-related negotiations, such as

labour agreements and advocacy for migrants' rights, have become an integral part of

bilateral and regional diplomacy (Kapiszewski, 2010, pp. 11-14). This interdependence

emphasises the links between South Asia and the GCC, making migration a force

influencing regional dynamics. These relationships are further strengthened through soft

power strategies, where states utilise cultural diplomacy, economic cooperation and

historical ties to cultivate influence and deepen mutual engagement without resorting to

coercion.

The concept of soft power, introduced by Nye (2004), refers to a country's ability to

influence others through attraction and persuasion rather than coercion. While

traditionally associated with cultural diplomacy and media influence, migration has

emerged as an important but under-researched dimension of soft power. Migrants act as

informal ambassadors to promote interpersonal and economic relations and influence

public perceptions of their home countries in host countries (Shain & Barth, 2003; Khara,

2020, p. 453).

In the context of South Asia-GCC relations, migration serves as an instrument of soft

power by strengthening economic ties, facilitating cultural diffusion and shaping labour

diplomacy (Wagle, 2024). Countries with large expatriate populations, such as India and

Pakistan, often use their diaspora for diplomatic benefits, including negotiating better

labour conditions, investment opportunities and political influence within the GCC

(Rahman, 2013, p. 8).

Regional institutions such as the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation

(SAARC) and the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) are playing a growing role in managing

migration (Baldwin-Edwards, 2011, p. 18). While SAARC has sought to address migrants'

rights through various initiatives, the GCC has historically pursued strict labour policies

that restrict migrant integration. However, changing geopolitical and economic realities

— such as the 2022 World Cup in Qatar and the Saudi Vision 2030 — have prompted

GCC states to reassess their labour policies and engagement with South Asian countries

(Mencutek & Gurses, 2024, p. 308).

This study argues that migration is an important instrument of soft power in relations

between South Asia and the Gulf Co-operation Council (GCC). Migrants contribute not

only to economic and labour markets, but also to diplomatic negotiations, cultural

exchange and transnational networks. Therefore, the presence of South Asian migrants

and diasporas in the GCC reinforces an interdependence that influences regional politics,

JANUS.NET, e-journal of International Relations

e-ISSN: 1647-7251

VOL. 16, Nº. 2, TD1

Thematic Dossier - Emerging Powers In-between Global and Regional Organizations

December 2025, pp. 24-47

Migration as Soft Power in Regional Institutions: The Case of South Asia and the Gulf

Cooperation Council (GCC)

Akm Ahsan Ullah

28

labour diplomacy and socio-cultural integration (Gardner, 2011). As GCC countries

increasingly seek to diversify their economies and strengthen their global influence, the

role of South Asian migrants as facilitators of economic, cultural and political engagement

is becoming more apparent (Wagle, 2024). This paper argues that migration should not

only be seen as a problem of labour mobility, but also as a strategic tool of influence

within the regional institutional framework.

This article adopts a qualitative methodology based on document analysis, drawing on

primary and secondary sources such as bilateral agreements, policy documents,

institutional reports, and academic literature. The central problematic addressed in this

study is the under-exploration of how migration functions as a tool of soft power in the

interactions between South Asia and the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC). The scope of

the study is limited to labour migration from five key South Asian countries (India,

Bangladesh, Pakistan, Nepal, and Sri Lanka) to six GCC states (Saudi Arabia, UAE, Qatar,

Bahrain, Kuwait, and Oman). The purpose of this study is to explore the strategic

deployment of migration in regional diplomacy, particularly through the lens of soft power

and institutional cooperation. The core argument is that South Asian states leverage

labour migration to exercise soft power and negotiate favourable political and economic

outcomes, while GCC countries use migration management to consolidate their regional

authority and project strategic interests. The article also explores the role of regional

institutions in managing migration as soft power by examining how SAARC and the GCC

approach the management of migration and how these institutions can improve

cooperative frameworks to maximise the benefits of migration.

Literature Review

The existing literature on migration and soft power largely focuses on the role of diaspora

diplomacy, cultural influence and economic remittances in shaping international relations

(Nye, 2004; Gamlen, 2019). Scholars have explored how migration can serve as a tool

of state influence, particularly in the context of global powers such as the United States

and China (Kapur, 2010; Shain & Barth, 2003). While China exhibits several

characteristics of a superpower, such as military modernisation, global economic reach,

technological innovation, and assertive foreign policy, there is still ongoing scholarly

debate on whether it has achieved full-spectrum superpower status akin to the United

States (Buzan, 2011, p. 11; Shambaugh, 2020). Most analysts position China as a “near-

peer competitor” or “great power” with substantial regional hegemony and growing global

clout, but not yet the capacity to unilaterally reshape global governance institutions or

maintain a global military presence equivalent to the U.S. (Mearsheimer, 2014;

Ikenberry, 2018, pp. 9, 12). The global order is more accurately characterised today as

multipolar or "nonpolar" with asymmetric interdependencies, rather than strictly bipolar

(Haass, 2008, p. 46; Stuenkel, 2016, p. 99).

However, there is little research on how regional institutions, particularly in the global

South, utilise migration as a form of soft power. Studies on SAARC and the GCC have

examined economic interdependence and labour migration but often neglect the

diplomatic and strategic dimensions of migration governance (Weiner, 1995; Naujoks,

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e-ISSN: 1647-7251

VOL. 16, Nº. 2, TD1

Thematic Dossier - Emerging Powers In-between Global and Regional Organizations

December 2025, pp. 24-47

Migration as Soft Power in Regional Institutions: The Case of South Asia and the Gulf

Cooperation Council (GCC)

Akm Ahsan Ullah

29

2013, pp. 99-112). This article fills this gap by analysing how migration policies and

labour mobility in South Asia and the GCC act as instruments of regional influence,

shaping economic dependencies, cultural ties and political negotiations. By examining

institutional frameworks and political narratives, this study highlights the role of

migration beyond economic transactions and positions it as a key mechanism of regional

soft power dynamics.

Joseph S. Nye introduced the concept of soft power and defined it as the ability of a

country to achieve its goals through attraction rather than coercion or payment (Nye,

2004). Soft power results from the appeal of a country's culture, political values and

foreign policy. Nye emphasises that soft power is about influencing the preferences of

others through attractiveness and appeal, as opposed to hard power, which relies on

military or economic means (Nye, 2021).

The application of soft power to migration is multifaceted. Migrants serve as cultural

ambassadors to strengthen the image and influence of their home countries abroad.

Thus, diasporic communities often promote their native cultures, languages and

traditions, which contributes to a positive perception of their countries of origin. In

addition, the policies that host countries pursue towards migrants can reflect their soft

power. An inclusive and welcoming immigration policy can increase the attractiveness of

a country, while restrictive measures can weaken its soft power. Thus, migration overlaps

with soft power through both the actions of migrants and the policies of states (Massey

et al., 1993).

Theories of labour migration provide a framework for understanding the cross-border

movement of workers. Dual labour market theory assumes that developed economies

have a segmented labour market consisting of a primary sector with stable, well-paid

jobs and a secondary sector characterised by low-paid, unstable employment (Piore,

1979, pp. 122-28). Native workers generally occupy jobs in the primary sector, while

migrants are often employed in the secondary sector, as these jobs are unattractive to

native labour. This structural demand in industrialised countries acts as a pull factor for

labour migration.

Push-pull models, on the other hand, explain migration through a combination of factors

that drive people out of their home countries (push factors) and pull them into the host

countries (pull factors) (Massey et al., 1993). The push factors include economic

hardship, unemployment and political instability, while the pull factors include better

employment opportunities, higher wages and political stability in the destination

countries (Weldemariam, Ayanlade, Borderon & Möslinger, 2023). This model

emphasises the interaction between the conditions in the countries of origin and

destination that influence migration flows. However, I am against the push-pull model

because it undermines human agency.

The migration of South Asian labour to the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries has

been significant, driven by the demand for labour in the rapidly developing economies of

the Gulf. Research shows that migrants from countries such as India, Pakistan,

Bangladesh and Sri Lanka make up a significant portion of the labour force in GCC

countries, particularly in sectors such as construction, domestic work and services

(Kapiszewski, 2010). These workers often face challenges, including restricted labour

JANUS.NET, e-journal of International Relations

e-ISSN: 1647-7251

VOL. 16, Nº. 2, TD1

Thematic Dossier - Emerging Powers In-between Global and Regional Organizations

December 2025, pp. 24-47

Migration as Soft Power in Regional Institutions: The Case of South Asia and the Gulf

Cooperation Council (GCC)

Akm Ahsan Ullah

30

rights and dependence on the kafala sponsorship system, which ties their legal residency

to their employers. Despite these challenges, remittances from GCC countries play a

crucial role in the economies of South Asian countries and contribute to poverty

alleviation and economic development (Mazumder, 2018, P. 477).

SAARC and the GCC are regional organisations that play a role in managing migration,

albeit with a different focus. SAARC has been primarily concerned with migration issues

relating to intra-regional movement and the protection of migrant workers abroad.

However, its ability to enforce binding agreements is limited, and much of migration

policy continues to take place bilaterally between individual South Asian countries and

GCC states (Mazumder, 2018; Thiollet, 2022, P. 55).

The GCC, consisting of Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab

Emirates, has taken measures to regulate the influx of foreign labour. These measures

include labour laws and sponsorship schemes that directly affect the rights and mobility

of migrant workers (Noel, 2019). Although the GCC has made some efforts towards

labour reforms, challenges remain in ensuring fair treatment and protection of migrant

workers (Kapiszewski, 2010, P. 5).

Table 1. Estimated % of South Asians in the GCC

GCC Country

Total

Population

(millions)

Percentage of

Foreign

Nationals

South Asian Migrants %

United Arab

Emirates

10.03

88%

59.4 (includes Indian 38.2%,

Bangladeshi 9.5%, Pakistani 9.4%)

Qatar

2.88

~90%

56

Kuwait

4.27

~70%

61

Bahrain

1.78

~50%

41

Oman

4.52

~50%

27

Saudi Arabia

35.84

37%

38

Source: Author, 2025 (calculated from various sources, such as MPI, respective departments of

the GCC countries.

While there is extensive research on migration patterns, the effects on the labour market

and the socio-economic aspects of migration, the use of migration as an instrument of

diplomatic influence has not yet been sufficiently researched. In particular, how countries

use their expatriate communities to strengthen their soft power or how migration policy

is used to strengthen diplomatic relations is an area that should be further explored.

Understanding these dynamics is crucial to grasping the full spectrum of migration's

impact on international relations (Nye, 2021, pp. 198-99).

Existing studies often focus either on the experiences of South Asian migrants in GCC

countries or on the policies of individual GCC states towards foreign workers. There are

a few comparative analyses that examine the role of regional institutions such as SAARC

and the GCC in managing migration. Comparative studies could shed light on the

effectiveness of regional and bilateral approaches, the potential for policy harmonisation

and the lessons that can be drawn from the different governance models. Such research

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e-ISSN: 1647-7251

VOL. 16, Nº. 2, TD1

Thematic Dossier - Emerging Powers In-between Global and Regional Organizations

December 2025, pp. 24-47

Migration as Soft Power in Regional Institutions: The Case of South Asia and the Gulf

Cooperation Council (GCC)

Akm Ahsan Ullah

31

could lead to more coherent and comprehensive migration policies that benefit both

sending and receiving countries (Massey et al., 1993, P. 435).

Conceptualising migration and soft power

Migration is a multifaceted phenomenon driven by economic, political, environmental and

social factors, all of which play an important role in shaping mobility patterns in South

Asia (de Haas, Castles and Miller, 2020; Bastia, Lulle & King, 2022). Economic factors

are the most prevalent, as millions of people from countries such as India, Bangladesh,

Pakistan and Nepal migrate to the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) states and beyond to

find better employment opportunities and escape poverty and unemployment (Rahman,

2012; Khadria, Thakur and Mishra, 2022, P. 3). Political instability and conflicts such as

those in Afghanistan, Sri Lanka and the Rohingya crisis in Myanmar have also led to

forced displacement and asylum-seeking migration (Bhatia et al., 2021; Ullah, 2018, P.

10; Ullah et al, 2024, P. 8). Environmental factors, including climate-induced

displacement in coastal areas of Bangladesh due to rising sea levels and cyclones, have

forced rural populations to move to cities or abroad (Sakapaji, 2023). Social factors such

as caste discrimination, gender inequality and cultural aspirations also shape migration

decisions as many people seek upward mobility or escape social constraints (Deshingkar,

2006, pp. 92-3; Hugo, 2008). In South Asia, where migration is deeply embedded in

historical, economic and geopolitical contexts, these factors intersect to create complex

patterns of mobility that are important for both regional economies and global labour

markets (Wickramasekara, 2014).

South Asia is one of the largest sources of migrant labour in the world. Countries such

as India, Bangladesh, Pakistan, Nepal and Sri Lanka send significant numbers of labour

to the GCC countries — Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Qatar, Kuwait, Oman and Bahrain (Ditto,

2022). As a regional bloc, the GCC relies on these migrants for construction, domestic

labour and employment in the service sector, making migration a crucial component of

its economic model (Kapiszewski, 2010). However, migration is not just an economic

transaction. It also plays a role in shaping diplomatic and socio-political relations between

these regions and influences the dynamics of soft power.

Soft Power and Migration

Soft power, a concept popularised by Joseph Nye (2004), refers to the ability of a state

to influence others through attraction rather than coercion, using culture, political values

and foreign policy. Migration plays a crucial role in soft power dynamics as the diaspora

contributes to cultural diplomacy, remittances and the global reputation of their home

countries (Khanna and Moorthy, 2017, P. 295). The presence of South Asian migrants in

the Gulf Co-operation Council represents both a challenge and an opportunity in this soft

power equation.

South Asian governments are utilising their expatriate populations to build political and

economic ties with the GCC states. For example, India and Bangladesh have used

diplomatic channels to negotiate better labour conditions and protect the rights of

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e-ISSN: 1647-7251

VOL. 16, Nº. 2, TD1

Thematic Dossier - Emerging Powers In-between Global and Regional Organizations

December 2025, pp. 24-47

Migration as Soft Power in Regional Institutions: The Case of South Asia and the Gulf

Cooperation Council (GCC)

Akm Ahsan Ullah

32

migrants to strengthen their influence in the region (Mencutek & Gurses, 2024). In

particular, Bangladesh has entered into Bilateral Labour Agreements (BLAs) and

Memoranda of Understanding (MoUs) with a number of destination countries to regulate

migration flows and ensure the welfare of its workers abroad. These agreements aim to

establish formal mechanisms for labour migration that ensure that the rights and welfare

of migrant workers are protected (ILO, 2024). Similarly, India has been proactive in

negotiating bilateral agreements to protect its migrant workers. These diplomatic

initiatives not only aim to protect the rights of migrant workers but also serve to

strengthen bilateral relations and increase influence in the region (Population Council,

2024).

The cultural presence of South Asian migrants in the Gulf region further enhances their

soft power. Bollywood, cricket and South Asian cuisine have found a prominent place in

the Gulf to shape regional cultural preferences and foster interpersonal relations (Thiollet

and Assaf, 2021). At the same time, the influence of the Gulf Cooperation Council in

South Asia manifests itself through investment, religious ties and funding of educational

institutions that promote Arab-Islamic cultural narratives (Mathew, 2014, p. 110). These

reciprocal cultural and economic exchanges demonstrate how migration serves as a

medium of soft power in regional geopolitics.

Regional Institutions and Migration Governance

Regional institutions play a critical role in strengthening cooperation between sending

and receiving countries. In South Asia, SAARC has made limited progress in developing

comprehensive migration governance frameworks (Wickramasekara, 2014). Although

South Asian states recognise the economic importance of migration, labour mobility

agreements are often negotiated bilaterally rather than through a regional framework.

On the other hand, the Gulf Cooperation Council acts as a regional bloc with a relatively

coordinated migration policy that focuses primarily on temporary labour migration under

the Kafala system (Baldwin-Edwards, 2011). This system, which ties the residency status

of migrant workers to their employers, has been criticised for its restrictive nature and

vulnerability to exploitation (Bua, 2025). However, recent reforms in Qatar and the

United Arab Emirates indicate a gradual shift towards better labour rights, partly in

response to international pressure and the role of South Asian governments advocating

for their migrant workers (Mencutek & Gurses, 2024). Despite their different regional

governance structures, South Asia and the GCC share common challenges in the area of

migration, including labour rights, human trafficking and the need for sustainable

migration policies (Rahman, 2013, P. 12).

Neoliberal Institutionalism and Migration as Soft Power in Regional

Institutions

The neoliberal institutionalism of Robert Keohane (1984) provides a useful theoretical

framework for analysing migration as a form of soft power in regional institutions,

particularly in South Asia and the GCC. Neoliberal institutionalism emphasises the role of

international institutions in facilitating cooperation between states despite the anarchic

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VOL. 16, Nº. 2, TD1

Thematic Dossier - Emerging Powers In-between Global and Regional Organizations

December 2025, pp. 24-47

Migration as Soft Power in Regional Institutions: The Case of South Asia and the Gulf

Cooperation Council (GCC)

Akm Ahsan Ullah

33

nature of the international system. In contrast to realism, which emphasises power

politics and the self-interest of states, Keohane argues that institutions help to mitigate

uncertainty, reduce transaction costs and create predictable frameworks for cooperation.

In the context of migration governance, neoliberal institutionalism emphasises how

regional organisations provide platforms for states to coordinate their policies on labour

mobility, remittances and migrants' rights. The theory argues that states engage in

institutionalised cooperation because it is mutually beneficial, even when there are

absolute power differences. Keohane (1989) states that institutions persist because they

provide structured incentives that are aligned with the interests of states and make co-

operation more durable than ad hoc agreements.

Applying Keohane’s framework to migration as soft power, I argue that South Asian

countries use their migrant labour as strategic assets within regional institutions. The

GCC states, which are highly dependent on South Asian migrant labour, work with

countries such as India, Bangladesh and Pakistan through bilateral and multilateral

agreements that influence migration flows. Neoliberal institutionalism claims that both

labour-sending and labour-receiving countries prefer institutionalised cooperation to

unilateral policies. Such co-operation reduces uncertainty, promotes economic

interdependence and strengthens diplomatic relations (Keohane & Martin, 1995, pp. 44-

46).

Keohane’s reflections on complex interdependence (Keohane & Nye, 1977) suggest that

migration creates asymmetric dependencies that can be used for soft power. Although

the South Asian states are economically weaker than the Gulf Cooperation Council, they

are gaining influence through labour diplomacy, remittances and diaspora engagement.

Institutions such as the SAARC’s Colombo Declaration on Migrant Workers (2008) and

the GCC’s Kafala system reforms show that migration governance is shaped by

institutionalised norms rather than pure power politics.

The concept of soft power is linked to theories of norm diffusion and migration diplomacy

as well. Betts (2011) and Kunz et al. (2011) argue that regional and bilateral migration

frameworks serve as instruments for promoting state preferences, wherein institutional

norms are strategically translated across contexts. Diaspora governance, as discussed

by Gamlen (2019), highlights how states cultivate expatriate communities as reservoirs

of legitimacy, identity projection, and strategic influence. Furthermore, Shain and Barth

(2003) emphasise that diasporas act as epistemic communities that promote soft power

through transnational linkages. Migration diplomacy, particularly in South-South

corridors like South Asia-GCC, reflects what Froilan and Tsourapas (2021) describe as

‘weapons of the weak,’ where migrant-sending states use vulnerability as leverage. These

concepts expand our understanding of migration as soft power beyond traditional state-

to-state negotiations to include multi-level, norm-based, and identity-driven processes.

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e-ISSN: 1647-7251

VOL. 16, Nº. 2, TD1

Thematic Dossier - Emerging Powers In-between Global and Regional Organizations

December 2025, pp. 24-47

Migration as Soft Power in Regional Institutions: The Case of South Asia and the Gulf

Cooperation Council (GCC)

Akm Ahsan Ullah

34

Figure 1. Migration and soft power tools

Migration is an important instrument of soft power, as it shapes economic, cultural and

diplomatic relations between the countries of origin and host countries. Economically,

labour migration creates interdependence and forces receiving countries to engage

diplomatically with migrants' countries of origin to ensure labour supply and policy

coordination (Ullah, 2025, pp. 6-8). Culturally, migrant communities act as informal

ambassadors, fostering transnational connections and influencing societal perceptions,

which in turn shape bilateral relations. Remittances serve as a powerful development tool

that strengthens economic stability in sending countries and increases their bargaining

power in regional partnerships (Froilan & Gerasimos, 2021). The treatment of migrants

has significant diplomatic implications, influencing trade agreements, foreign policy

decisions and regional cooperation frameworks. Taken together, these dimensions make

migration an important driver of soft power that strengthens transnational relationships

and influences geopolitical dynamics.

Linking migration to soft power

Migration has increasingly become an instrument of soft power in regional institutions,

influencing diplomatic relations, economic policy and cultural exchange. Migration and

soft power have gained prominence in recent years in the context of migration between

South Asia and the Gulf Co-operation Council and regional institutions. Labour migration

from South Asia to the GCC plays a crucial role in shaping economic interdependencies

(Ullah, 2025a, pp. 4-6). Countries such as India, Bangladesh, Pakistan, Nepal and Sri

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Lanka send millions of workers to the GCC economies, where they are employed in

various sectors such as construction, domestic work and services (Rahman, 2013). The

economic dependence of GCC countries on these migrants emphasises their importance

in sustaining infrastructure projects, services and industries (Kapiszewski, 2010). This

dependence has, in turn, enabled South Asian states to use migration as an economic

and diplomatic tool in regional geopolitics. For example, India and Bangladesh have used

labour migration agreements and remittance flows as bargaining tools in diplomatic

negotiations with GCC states to influence labour rights policies and bilateral relations

(Rajan and Arokkiaraj, 2022, P. 210).

Diplomatic Negotiations Over Labour Rights and Protections

The issue of labour rights has become a key topic in diplomatic talks between South Asian

countries and the GCC states. According to reports, agreements such as the 2018 India-

UAE Labour Mobility Partnership and Bangladesh’s Memorandum of Understanding (MoU)

with Saudi Arabia reflect the ongoing diplomatic negotiations (Wickramasekara, 2014).

While labour-exporting countries seek better conditions for their citizens abroad, the GCC

states remain cautious about granting greater rights due to domestic political and

economic considerations (Fargues & Shah, 2017). A precise example of diplomatic

negotiations on labour rights between the GCC and South Asia is the 2014 labour

agreement between India and Saudi Arabia, which introduced better protection for Indian

domestic workers. Under the Musaned system, India successfully negotiated minimum

wages, an online contract verification system and employer accountability measures to

prevent exploitation and wage delays. This agreement reflected India’s diplomatic

influence as the country is a significant contributor to the Saudi Arabian economy

(Ministry of External Affairs, India, 2014).

Remittances as a Geopolitical Tool for South Asian States

Remittances from migrant workers in the GCC represent a major economic advantage

for South Asian countries. For example, remittances from the GCC countries to

Bangladesh accounted for almost 51% of total remittance flows in 2021 (World Bank,

2022). Similarly, Pakistan and India also receive significant remittances (Sasikumar &

Thimothy, 2015, pp. 5-6). These financial flows not only serve economic purposes but

also shape diplomatic engagement, as South Asian governments often adopt pro-

migration policies to sustain remittance flows and maintain favourable relations with GCC

countries. For example, when Saudi Arabia imposed restrictions on the recruitment of

Bangladeshi workers in 2016, Dhaka used its remittance flows (which accounted for more

than 12% of Bangladesh’s GDP) to negotiate a resumption of labour recruitment. In

2018, diplomatic efforts led to the lifting of the recruitment freeze, resulting in more than

100,000 Bangladeshi workers finding employment under revised labour conditions. With

over $18 billion in annual remittances from the UAE, India has strategically integrated

labour migration into its foreign policy (Bortolazzi, Khan, 2023). In 2017, India secured

preferential treatment for its labour force in the UAE in high-level diplomatic talks,

ensuring better labour protection, simplified visa processing and a framework for

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resolving wage disputes. In return, India strengthened cooperation with the UAE in the

energy sector and secured investments in infrastructure and oil reserves.

India-UAE Labour Diplomacy and Strategic Partnerships

India's engagement with the UAE is an example of how migration can work as soft power.

The Comprehensive Strategic Partnership between India and the UAE, signed in 2017,

incorporates labour migration into broader economic and security cooperation (Kugiel,

2017, pp. 72-9). The introduction of eMigrate schemes and labour protection initiatives

reflects India’s strategic use of migration diplomacy to protect its expatriate workforce

while strengthening bilateral relations (Mencutek & Gurses, 2024).

Launched by the Indian government in 2014, the eMigrate system is an online platform

designed to facilitate the recruitment of Indian labour for employment abroad,

particularly in the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries, including the UAE. It ensures

transparency by registering recruitment agencies, employers and workers, verifying

contracts and providing grievance redressal mechanisms. Labour diplomacy between

India and the UAE has benefited from eMigrate as it has helped reduce exploitative

recruitment practices and strengthen bilateral labour agreements. For example, eMigrate

was integrated into recruitment processes under the 2018 India-UAE Labour Cooperation

Agreement to ensure that Indian workers receive vetted contracts and fair wages before

migrating. In addition, the system has helped monitor remittance flows and strengthen

India's strategic partnership with the UAE, which is home to over 3.5 million Indian

expatriates (Fargues, Shah, & Brouwer, 2019). EMigrate has strengthened the diplomatic

influence of India in securing better labour conditions and investment opportunities in

the UAE.

Bangladesh-Kuwait Migration Agreements

The labour migration agreements between Bangladesh and Kuwait are an example of the

crucial role of migration in promoting bilateral diplomatic relations and economic

interdependence. Kuwait's dependence on Bangladeshi labour, particularly in the

domestic and construction sectors, has led to negotiations on wage structures, legal

protections and recruitment mechanisms (Rahman, 2013). An important impact of the

migration agreements between Bangladesh and Kuwait is the legalisation of

undocumented Bangladeshi workers in Kuwait. In 2020, Kuwait announced an amnesty

programme that allowed thousands of irregular Bangladeshi migrants to either regularise

their status or return home with impunity. This decision was preceded by diplomatic

negotiations in which Bangladesh emphasised the economic contribution of its migrant

workers and the importance of continued cooperation in the field of labour.

The agreements have also led to increased labour recruitment, particularly in

construction, domestic work and healthcare. In 2022, Kuwait lifted a decades-long

restriction on hiring Bangladeshi labour, leading to a renewed influx of migrant workers

under improved contractual conditions, such as guaranteed minimum wages and better

grievance mechanisms. This has strengthened the inflow of remittances to Bangladesh,

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which continues to be an important pillar of the country’s foreign exchange reserves and

further strengthens economic relations and diplomatic engagement between the two

nations.

Pakistan-Saudi Arabia Migration Flows and Religious Diplomacy

Pakistan’s migratory relations with Saudi Arabia go beyond the economic dimension and

also include religious and cultural ties. As home to Islam’s holiest sites, Saudi Arabia

plays an important role in shaping Pakistan’s religious diplomacy, with migration being a

key aspect of this connection (Malit & Al-Youha, 2016). The presence of millions of

Pakistani workers (2.64 million according to a 2023 estimate) in Saudi Arabia facilitates

cultural and economic exchanges and strengthens bilateral relations through soft power

mechanisms based on religious identity and mutual interests (Mir & Kazi, 2021, pp. 120-

3). An important impact of migration flows between Pakistan and Saudi Arabia is the

deepening of religious diplomacy, particularly through labour migration and Saudi

influence on Pakistan’s religious institutions. Pakistani workers in Saudi Arabia serve as

an important diplomatic bridge that strengthens Pakistan’s strategic relationship with the

Kingdom. A notable example is the 2019 Saudi-Pakistani agreement, which resulted in

$20bn of Saudi investment in Pakistan, including support for infrastructure and energy

projects (Goñi, Ramírez & Vidal, 2020). This agreement was facilitated in part by

Pakistan’s dependence on Saudi Arabia for remittances (which amount to more than $7bn

annually) and economic aid (Goñi, Ramírez & Vidal, 2020, P. 23, 45. 65). In return,

Pakistan has always aligned its foreign policy with Saudi Arabia’s regional interests,

including participation in the Riyadh-led Islamic Military Counter-Terrorism Coalition

(IMCTC) (GLMM, 2020). Saudi Arabia’s financial and ideological support has influenced

religious institutions in Pakistan, particularly through the funding of madrassas (Islamic

seminaries), which have shaped religious discourse and sectarian dynamics in the

country. These migration-related diplomatic relationships illustrate how labour mobility

goes beyond economic contributions and influences foreign policy, religious institutions

and geopolitical alignments between Pakistan and Saudi Arabia.

Case Analysis: migration diplomacy in South Asia–GCC relations

Here, I operationalise the conceptual framework of soft power and neoliberal

institutionalism to examine how South Asian countries strategically engage with GCC

states through migration diplomacy. Migration is not merely a socio-economic process in

this context; it is a diplomatic currency used by labour-sending states to shape bilateral

and regional negotiations. While South Asian states such as India, Bangladesh, and

Pakistan are economically and politically weaker in comparison to oil-rich Gulf

monarchies, they have acquired soft power leverage through the sheer volume of their

expatriate labour force, the economic significance of remittances, and their capacity to

organise institutional cooperation. This dynamic interplay reflects the principles of

complex interdependence (Keohane & Nye, 2012), whereby economic asymmetries are

counterbalanced by institutional and normative engagement.

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The labour diplomacy of India with the United Arab Emirates (UAE) provides a salient

example. With over 3.5 million Indian nationals residing in the UAE, India has successfully

utilised its demographic presence to negotiate better labour protections through

instruments such as the eMigrate system and the Comprehensive Strategic Partnership

Agreement (Mencutek & Gurses, 2024). Similarly, Bangladesh has entered into multiple

bilateral agreements with Saudi Arabia and Kuwait, focusing on wage structures, worker

protections, and amnesty programmes for undocumented migrants. In 2020,

Bangladesh’s diplomatic lobbying led Kuwait to regularise thousands of Bangladeshi

workers, reflecting the state's ability to convert demographic presence into diplomatic

influence (Rahman, 2013).

Pakistan’s migratory relations with Saudi Arabia illustrate how migration diplomacy

intertwines with religious and cultural soft power. With over 2.6 million Pakistanis in

Saudi Arabia, labour relations are deeply embedded in broader religious diplomacy, which

facilitates strategic aid flows and political alignment, such as Pakistan’s participation in

Saudi-led coalitions (Mir & Kazi, 2021). These cases underscore how labour-sending

states invoke diasporic, religious, and economic ties to project influence, negotiate rights,

and shape the terms of migration governance.

On the receiving side, GCC states such as Qatar and the UAE have also instrumentalised

migration for soft power projection. Qatar’s labour reforms in preparation for the 2022

FIFA World Cup—including modifications to the kafala system—were in part the outcome

of diplomatic pressure from South Asian governments and international organisations

(Human Rights Watch, 2022). These reforms enhanced Qatar’s global reputation while

preserving essential labour supply chains. Meanwhile, the UAE’s “Golden Visa”

programme has targeted highly skilled South Asian professionals, reshaping migration

into a mutually beneficial framework of talent diplomacy.

Regional institutions play an auxiliary but important role in facilitating this diplomacy.

Although SAARC has limited enforcement capacity, it has articulated collective norms,

such as the 2008 Colombo Declaration on the Protection and Welfare of Migrant Workers.

The GCC, while more effective in policy coordination, still relies on national-level

regulations. Nonetheless, institutional dialogues—such as GCC-India migration forums—

highlight growing convergence on migration management. These empirical cases validate

my theoretical premise: that migration functions as a medium of soft power and a

platform for institutional cooperation. Through strategic use of labour diplomacy, South

Asian states turn structural dependencies into diplomatic opportunities, while GCC states

adapt migration governance to maintain economic competitiveness and geopolitical

legitimacy.

South Asia: Strategic Use of Migration

India’s diaspora diplomacy: India, which hosts one of the largest diasporas in the world

(over 18 million people), has effectively utilised its migrants to strengthen its soft power

globally (Naujoks, 2013). The Indian government is working with the diaspora through

initiatives such as the Pravasi Bharatiya Divas and the Overseas Citizenship of India (OCI)

programme to strengthen cultural and economic ties. In the United Arab Emirates (UAE),

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for example, the large number of Indian expatriates (approximately 3.5 million) has

fostered strong bilateral relations that have led to strategic investments such as the

Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement (CEPA) between the UAE and India in

2022 (Shain & Barth, 2003; Khara, 2020, P. 14).

Bangladesh’s labour migration and remittance diplomacy: Bangladesh has over 10 million

migrants worldwide, a significant number of whom live in Saudi Arabia, the UAE and

Malaysia. Remittances account for more than 6% of its GDP (World Bank, 2023), which

strengthens its influence in regional negotiations. For example, Bangladesh has

negotiated a better wage structure and labour protection for its expatriate workers in

Saudi Arabia through diplomatic channels, strengthening labour migration as a soft power

tool (Rahman, 2012).

Pakistan’s engagement in the Gulf region: With over 4 million Pakistanis in the Gulf

Cooperation Council, Pakistan has used its migrant labour force to secure economic and

diplomatic cooperation, especially with Saudi Arabia and the UAE. In 2019, Saudi Arabia

pledged a USD 3 billion aid package to Pakistan, largely due to the presence of Pakistani

workers in the Kingdom.

The GCC: Migration and Soft Power Diplomacy

If migration is managed effectively, it serves as a powerful soft power instrument both

in South Asia and in the Gulf Cooperation Council. For the countries of origin, it provides

economic stability through remittances and strengthens diplomatic engagement. For the

host countries, it promotes economic growth, strengthens regional ties and improves

international reputation. In the evolving global order, the use of migration for strategic

regional cooperation will continue to be a crucial element of soft power diplomacy.

The GCC's heavy reliance on foreign labour from South Asia has influenced its foreign

policy and diplomatic relations with source countries in many ways. Economic

diversification and labour diplomacy of the KSA: As part of Vision 2030, Saudi Arabia is

keen to attract highly skilled foreign labour while maintaining close relations with sending

countries. For example, the reform of Saudi Arabia’s labour policy, Nitaqat, in 2021 led

to tensions with South Asian governments, resulting in negotiations to ease restrictions

on workers (Ennis and Blarel, 2022).

Qatar and the 2022 FIFA World Cup: Qatar’s reliance on migrant workers from Nepal,

India and Bangladesh to build infrastructure for the World Cup led to international

scrutiny of labour conditions (Ullah, 2024, pp. 9-10; Ullah et al, 2020, pp. 8-11). For

example, the introduction of labour reforms in 2021, including the abolition of the kafala

system, was a direct result of diplomatic negotiations and international pressure (Human

Rights Watch, 2022).

The UAE’s strategic use of migration for diplomatic influence: The UAE has successfully

used migration as a soft power tool by promoting initiatives such as the Golden Visa

Programme, which targets highly skilled foreigners. For example, the introduction of

long-term visas for skilled workers has strengthened the UAE's diplomatic and economic

relations with India and the Philippines (Gargash, 2023, p. 4).

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South Asian states have used labour migration as a diplomatic tool to negotiate beneficial

agreements, promote economic interdependence and strengthen their regional presence

(Kunz, 2021). The above evidence is consistent with Nye’s (2004) concept of soft power

and Koehan’s liberal institutionalism, which emphasise influence through cultural,

economic and institutional means rather than coercion.

While soft power theories suggest that migration can enhance mutual cooperation and

influence, this dynamic is complicated by real-world governance challenges. Although

GCC states are economically reliant on migrant labour, they often implement restrictive

labour policies and kafala systems that limit the influence of South Asian countries

(Gardner, 2011, P. 77). Countries that send labour struggle to provide adequate

protection due to power imbalances in managing migration. This divergence between

theory and practice shows the complexity of using migration as a soft power tool in

regional institutions.

Conclusion

This study critically examines the role of migration as a soft power instrument in the

institutional framework of South Asia and the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC). While

migration has traditionally been analysed from an economic and labour market

perspective, this article argues that it goes beyond its material dimensions and functions

as a strategic resource for both sending and receiving states. South Asian countries use

their migrant workers to negotiate favourable labour contracts, strengthen diplomatic

relations and maintain economic stability through remittances. At the same time, GCC

countries use migration to drive their economic expansion, consolidate their position in

global labour markets and strengthen their geopolitical influence. By conceptualising

migration as more than a socio-economic process, this study highlights its importance as

a mechanism that shapes regional diplomacy, promotes economic interdependencies and

facilitates cultural transmission, contributing to a broader framework of international

relations and soft power dynamics.

What the research suggests is that South Asian countries, particularly India, Bangladesh,

and Pakistan, strategically deploy labour migration in bilateral negotiations to secure

favourable labour conditions and to influence GCC labour market reforms. These

diplomatic engagements are not limited to worker protections but extend to trade,

energy, and security collaborations. Remittance inflows, constituting significant portions

of GDP for countries like Bangladesh and Nepal, are actively used as leverage in

diplomatic negotiations with the GCC, exemplifying how economic dependencies evolve

into tools of regional influence. Migrant communities in the GCC serve as informal agents

of cultural diffusion, facilitating people-to-people ties and enhancing the soft power of

their countries of origin. From Bollywood and cricket to cuisine and religious institutions,

these transnational linkages deepen diplomatic trust.

While SAARC’s influence remains limited due to its weak enforcement mechanisms, the

GCC, under external pressure and economic transformation agendas, is increasingly

open to labour reform. This illustrates an evolving institutional environment where

labour-sending and -receiving countries are recalibrating their cooperative

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arrangements. Despite the perceived power imbalance, South Asian states demonstrate

agency in shaping migration governance, leveraging their indispensability to Gulf

economies. This suggests that soft power can emerge even in asymmetrical relationships,

challenging traditional realist assumptions.

In answering the research question, How do South Asian states use labour migration in

regional institutions such as the GCC to balance national sovereignty and international

cooperation?, the study concludes that migration is both a geopolitical strategy and a

diplomatic asset. South Asian states, although often economically weaker, exercise

considerable influence through collective bargaining, remittance diplomacy, and diaspora

mobilisation. The study fills the existing gap in the literature by reconceptualising

migration as a tool of soft power within South-South regional institutions. While most

studies have focused either on bilateral labour arrangements or the socio-economic

impacts of migration, this article situates migration at the intersection of foreign policy,

institutional negotiation, and regional diplomacy, particularly in the Global South context,

which remains underexplored (Gamlen, 2019; Adamson & Tsourapas, 2020; Mencutek &

Gurses, 2024).

The novelty of this study lies in the application of Nye’s theory of soft power and

Keohane’s neoliberal institutionalism to migration policy. By viewing migration as a

strategic diplomatic tool and not just an economic necessity, this study offers new

insights into the power asymmetries, institutional negotiations and political interactions

between South Asia and the Gulf Cooperation Council. It shows that despite their

economic vulnerability, South Asian migrant-sending countries exert considerable

influence through labour diplomacy and leverage the indispensable role of their

expatriates in the Gulf economies. Conversely, GCC states, while reliant on migrant

labour, operate careful labour policies to maintain control over their expatriate workforce,

reflecting a complex interplay between dependency and sovereignty. From a regional

perspective, this study has significant implications for the management of migration. The

analysis suggests that South Asian governments could strengthen their bargaining power

by adopting collective bargaining strategies rather than engaging in fragmented bilateral

negotiations. Similarly, in their efforts to diversify their economies under initiatives such

as Saudi Vision 2030 and the UAE’s long-term visa programmes, GCC states need to

recalibrate their migration policies to attract skilled labour while addressing persistent

human rights concerns.

The far-reaching significance of this study lies in its contribution to migration and soft

power research. It expands the understanding of migration as an instrument of influence

that goes beyond remittances and economic exchange, shaping political narratives,

cultural diplomacy and regional geopolitics. As global migration patterns continue to

evolve, recognising the soft power potential of migration is crucial for the development

of policies that promote sustainable and equitable transnational mobility.

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