OBSERVARE
Universidade Autónoma de Lisboa
e-ISSN: 1647-7251
VOL. 16, Nº. 2
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EVOLUTION OF THE POLITICAL REGIME IN UKRAINE: FROM INDEPENDENCE
TO THE PRESENT
OLEKSANDR SYCH
oleksandrsych@meta.ua
Full Doctor, Professor at the Department of Politology, Vasyl Stefanyk Precarpathian National
University, Ivano-Frankivsk (Ukraine).
https://orcid.org/0000-0002-3697-7636
DMYTRO DZVINCHUK
dmytro_dzvinchuk@outlook.com
Full Doctor, Professor at the Department of Public Administration and Management, Ivano-
Frankivsk National Technical University of Oil and Gas, Ivano-Frankivsk (Ukraine).
https://orcid.org/0000-0002-6391-3822
IHOR DEBENKO
i.debenko@ukr.net
PhD, Associate Professor at the Department of Journalism, Vasyl Stefanyk Precarpathian National
University, Ivano-Frankivsk (Ukraine).
https://orcid.org/0009-0000-2911-2952
BOHDAN HRYVNAK
bohdan-hryvnak@meta.ua
PhD, Associate Professor at the Department of Social Sciences, Ivano-Frankivsk National
Technical University of Oil and Gas, Ivano-Frankivsk (Ukraine).
https://orcid.org/0000-0002-4593-3862
DARYNA SEKH
daryna_sekh@hotmail.com
Graduate Student at the Faculty of International Relations, Ivan Franko National University of
Lviv, Lviv (Ukraine).
https://orcid.org/0009-0006-2963-587X
Abstract
The establishment and evolution of Ukraine's political regime is a complex and dynamic
process shaped by socio-economic and political transformations. This study aims to analyze
the specific features of Ukraine's political regime in its contemporary context. Using methods
of analysis, synthesis, comparison, and formal and legal techniques, the study examines the
structure and functioning of Ukraine's political system, which involves various institutions such
as government bodies, political parties, public organizations, and the media. The findings
reveal that political decisions in Ukraine are largely influenced by democratic principles, which
guide the mechanisms of state power and allow citizens to influence political processes. The
paper also explores the role of symbolisation and mythologisation in shaping the political
regime, highlighting their negative impact on Ukraine's political development and institutional
effectiveness. These processes contribute to the distortion of political narratives and hinder
democratic consolidation. The study's findings are valuable for formulating political strategies
aimed at strengthening democratic practices and rebuilding Ukraine's political system.
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Oleksandr Sych, Dmytro Dzvinchuk, Ihor Debenko, Bohdan Hryvnak, Daryna Sekh
217
Keywords
Democracy, state power, institution of presidential power, legitimacy, authoritarianism.
Resumo
O estabelecimento e a evolução do regime político da Ucrânia é um processo complexo e
dinâmico moldado por transformações socioeconômicas e políticas. Este estudo tem como
objetivo analisar as características específicas do regime político da Ucrânia em seu contexto
contemporâneo. Usando métodos de análise, síntese, comparação e técnicas formais e legais,
o estudo examina a estrutura e o funcionamento do sistema político da Ucrânia, que envolve
várias instituições como órgãos governamentais, partidos políticos, organizações públicas e
mídia. Os resultados revelam que as decisões políticas na Ucrânia são amplamente
influenciadas pelos princípios democráticos, que orientam os mecanismos do poder estatal e
permitem que os cidadãos influenciem os processos políticos. O artigo também explora o
papel da simbolização e mitologização na formação do regime político, destacando seu
impacto negativo no desenvolvimento político da Ucrânia e na eficácia institucional. Esses
processos contribuem para a distorção de narrativas políticas e dificultam a consolidação
democrática. As descobertas do estudo são valiosas para formular estratégias políticas
destinadas a fortalecer as práticas democráticas e a reconstrução do sistema político da
Ucrânia.
Palavras-chave
Democracia, poder estatal, instituição de poder presidencial, legitimidade, autoritarismo.
How to cite this article
Sych, Oleksandr, Dzvinchuk, Dmytro, Debenko, Ihor, Hryvnak, Bohdan & Sekh, Daryna (2025).
Evolution of the Political Regime in Ukraine: from Independence to the present. Janus.net, e-
journal of international relations. VOL. 16, . 2, November 2025-April 2026, pp. 216-230. DOI
https://doi.org/10.26619/1647-7251.16.2.12
Article submitted on 21st January 2025 and accepted for publication on 17th September
2025.
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Evolution of the Political Regime in Ukraine: from Independence to the present
Oleksandr Sych, Dmytro Dzvinchuk, Ihor Debenko, Bohdan Hryvnak, Daryna Sekh
218
EVOLUTION OF THE POLITICAL REGIME IN UKRAINE: FROM
INDEPENDENCE TO THE PRESENT
OLEKSANDR SYCH
DMYTRO DZVINCHUK
IHOR DEBENKO
BOHDAN HRYVNAK
DARYNA SEKH
Introduction
The establishment and development of a political regime is a pivotal and complex political
and legal phenomenon in the context of state development. It determines the nature of
state power, organizes the political system, and shapes the interaction between the state
and its citizens (Herrfahrdt-Pähle et al., 2020). A political regime can be understood as
a system of methods and tools for legitimating and exercising power by a particular type
of state (Saha & Sen, 2021). The political regime of a country can be democratic,
authoritarian, or a hybrid form of the two.
Democracy refers to a system where power is vested in the people, either directly or
through elected representatives. In democratic regimes, there is typically a guarantee of
political freedoms and human rights, competitive elections, and a separation of powers
(Buribayev et al., 2020; Gandhi et al., 2020). On the other hand, authoritarianism is
characterized by centralization of power, limited political pluralism, and often restricted
civil liberties. In an adversarial authoritarian regime, although the state maintains control
over key political structures, it allows some opposition or societal participation in a
controlled manner, without threatening the core authority of the ruling elite
(Gerschewski, 2013). These regimes often manipulate institutions to create the
appearance of political competition while maintaining real power within a select group.
The evolution of Ukraine’s political regime has been marked by attempts to shift from a
more authoritarian model toward democracy, but this process has been interrupted by
political and social divides. The socio-political dynamics in Ukraine, especially the East-
West divide, have influenced the political transformations in ways that complicate a
straightforward transition to democracy (Romanyuk, 2020).
In the context of post-Soviet Ukraine, the political regime has often been analyzed
through the lens of neo-patrimonialism and the clientelist state. Neo-patrimonialism
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refers to a system where political power is exercised through personal relationships and
patronage networks rather than formal institutions (Erdmann & Engel, 2007). This
system often fosters a clientelist state, where political elites use state resources to
maintain loyal supporters, who, in turn, provide the elites with political power.
Researchers have noted that Ukraine’s political regime has been deeply influenced by
these patronage systems, which have shaped both its political institutions and electoral
processes (Romanyuk, 2020; Zelenko et al., 2021). This system’s persistence has been
particularly evident in Ukraine’s political transitions, where reforms have often been more
symbolic than substantive, reflecting the personalistic nature of power rather than
institutional development.
In addition to neo-patrimonialism, other perspectives on Ukraine’s political regime
evolution have emerged. Hybrid regimes, combining elements of both democracy and
authoritarianism, have been discussed in relation to Ukraine’s political development since
independence. The political transformations of the 1990s and 2000s reflect attempts to
consolidate democracy while maintaining significant authoritarian tendencies. The
Maidan Revolutions of 2004 and 2014 catalyzed a significant shift in the political
trajectory, yet political elites continued to manipulate the system to maintain control,
leading to a sustained crisis in political development (Prymush & Yarosh, 2020).
Other scholars have explored democratic transition and authoritarian consolidation in
Ukraine, particularly through the framework of post-Soviet transformation. In this
context, democratic transition is often seen as a gradual process in which the state opens
up to democratic practices but faces resistance from entrenched elites and informal
networks (Shaigorodsky, 2021). However, the process is often interrupted by shifts
towards authoritarianism, which can result in the consolidation of power in the hands of
a few, as seen in the control of key political and economic sectors by oligarchs
(Berezovska-Chmil, 2020; Galchynskyi, 2020).
The political regime in Ukraine has been framed in various ways depending on the lens
used. For instance, institutional theory suggests that Ukraine’s political regime has been
shaped by the actions and decisions of its elites, who have sought to influence the political
system in their favor, often through institutional changes driven by presidential
transitions (Bjørnskov & Rode, 2020). Moreover, the role of elites in the formation of the
political regime is central to understanding how power has been exercised and contested.
Political elites in Ukraine have often oscillated between competing for control over state
institutions and monopolizing power within a narrow group, resulting in fragmented
democratic processes and repeated setbacks in the democratization efforts (Berezovska-
Chmil, 2020).
The evolution of Ukraine’s political regime has been marked by tension between
democratic aspirations and authoritarian practices, influenced by neo-patrimonial
networks, elite competition, and the impact of the Maidan revolutions. A deeper
exploration of neo-patrimonialism, clientelism, and hybrid regimes provides a clearer
understanding of how political and social dynamics have shaped Ukraine’s trajectory.
Furthermore, to grasp the full scope of this transformation, it is necessary to examine
the literature that frames democratic transition and authoritarian consolidation in post-
Soviet states, including Ukraine, to understand the underlying mechanisms of regime
change.
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Constitutional Foundations of the Political Regime in Ukraine
The study of the transformation of the political regime in Ukraine provides for the need
to highlight the essence of this concept and its structural elements. This is important in
the context of conducting a comparative historical analysis of the category of “political
regime”, which should be understood as the way of distribution of power, the reasons for
its establishment and development in the public consciousness of the nation. Thus, the
establishment of this mechanism involves not only the extension of power to certain
types of public relations, but also the influence on the life of citizens. The structure of the
political regime consists of: methods of exercising state power; the degree of freedom of
a person and their rights; approaches to political decision-making; pluralism; in
particular, the presence or absence of legal (illegal) opposition; the configuration of the
party system; features of the ruling elite (Helms, 2023; Ketners et al., 2024).
An important step towards changing the political system of Ukraine was the adoption by
the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine (VRU) of the Declaration on State Sovereignty of Ukraine
(1990). The latter provided for the consolidation of the sovereignty of a developing state
in accordance with its borders and exercising the right to self-determination. The essence
of the constitutional principles consolidated in the Declaration was revealed in the
approval of the principle of separation of powers (legislative, executive, judicial) and
departure from the idea of democratic centralism. Subsequently, as a result of the
referendum held on 1 December 1991, the Resolution of the Verkhovna Rada of the
Ukrainian SSR No. 1427-XII “On Proclamation of Independence of Ukraine” (1991) was
signed, which affected the political status of the state. The title of Chapter 7 of the
Constitution (Basic Law) of Ukraine (1978) was changed from “Ukrainian SSR a union
republic within the USSR” to “Ukraine an independent state”. On 19 June 1991, the
Verkhovna Rada of the Ukrainian SSR adopted Resolution No. 1056-XII “On the Concept
of the new Constitution of Ukraine” (1991), which consolidated the relationship between
the citizen, the state, and society as the main object of constitutional regulation. On 28
June 1996, the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine adopted and enacted the new Constitution of
Ukraine (1996), which established the priority of human values and democracy in
Ukraine.
In accordance with the principles of the political system of Ukraine provided for in this
regulatory document, its structure consists of three levels. The highest category includes
the principles and norms that have the highest legal force and characterise the
constitutional system of Ukraine. As for the general principles based on which the political
system as a whole is formed, they belong to the second level. It should be noted that it
in fact details the principles of the constitutional order. The third level consists of
approaches that regulate the status of a particular category of subjects of the political
system, and the algorithm for implementing various types of political activities (Sych,
2020).
It is worth noting that among the set of principles that determine the political system of
Ukraine, it is popular sovereignty that is fundamental. This is conditioned by the fact that
it consolidates the source of power and the “coordinate system” in the political sphere.
Accordingly, the only source of power and bearer of sovereignty in Ukraine is the people,
who exercise power through state and local government bodies. As for the principle of
the highest social value of a person, it characterises the axiological orientation of the
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political system and regime in Ukraine. The Constitution of Ukraine (1996) establishes
the principle of republicanism, according to which the establishment of the highest state
authorities occurs either directly by the people or by representative bodies.
Defining for all elements of the political system is the principle of democracy, the essence
of which is the democracy of political consciousness and regime. In close connection with
this principle is the principle of transparency, which determines the implementation of
unhindered dissemination of information flows in the context of the political and legal
system (Apakhayev et al., 2017; Ongan et al., 2025). In addition to the above principles,
the principles on the basis of which the establishment and development of the political
regime in Ukraine takes place include: Unitarianism, social and legal state, separation of
powers, legality, legal equality, the rule of law, and the guarantee of local self-
government. Analysing their essence, it should be noted that Ukraine is developing a
democratic political system, which is based on pluralism.
As for the second level of the foundations of the political system of Ukraine, they cover
secularism, dynamism, and the role autonomy of the subjects of this system. Thus, they
are characterised by a constitutional and legal nature, while detailing the content of the
constitutional foundations of the political system. Examples of the third level of principles
include: the multi-ethnic nature of the Ukrainian people, subsidiarity, and the ubiquity of
local self-government or community groups. Their essence consists in expressing the
specifics of various spheres of political life of citizens, asserting the status of specific
subjects of the political system. The combination of the above principles reveals the main
vectors of the establishment of a political regime in modern Ukraine, which involve
consideration of the specific characteristics of the political system.
Structure and Transformation of the Political System of Ukraine
The system of structural elements of the political system of Ukraine includes: the
institution of presidential power, the parliament, and the government. The first one
should be understood as a specially created system of higher power, which is aimed at
implementing sovereignty and ensuring the independence of the country through the
effective functioning of various state authorities. The legitimisation of the institution of
the presidency through a referendum or free elections indicates its constitutional
consolidation as a mechanism of representative form of public power of the people
(Galymzhan et al., 2020). An analysis of its historical development shows that the
president is characterised by four main functions, namely guaranteeing and protecting,
coordinating, constitutive, and representative. This is explained by the fact that the
president acts as a guarantor of the Constitution of Ukraine, its sovereignty, and also
contributes to ensuring human and civil rights and freedoms. The president coordinates
the activities of public authorities so that they are characterised by high efficiency and
prevent a political crisis. During the implementation of the constitutive function, the
president defines and implements the main vectors of Ukraine’s domestic and foreign
policy. As for the representative function in the activities of the president, it is reflected
in the international arena and in the organisation of public power based on the institution
of civil society. The constitutional status of the president is developing, and therefore,
there are positions in the scientific doctrine regarding the expediency of transferring
certain powers to specialised bodies. For example, I.B. Debenko (2011) suggests that it
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is necessary to introduce changes to the status of the president, namely, to give him the
opportunity to be a participant in the legislative process and to have his own rule-making
powers. Based on this, the researcher’s opinion provides for the establishment of
presidential control over the rule-making activities of state authorities. The approach
proposed by the researcher allows considering the special role of the president in the
context of protecting and implementing constitutional legality. Thus, what is common
between the conclusions in these papers is that the legal status and functions of the
president of Ukraine in the field under study are clearly defined by law, and therefore,
can be expanded in the context of the establishment of new specialised institutions.
In general, the institution of presidential power is one of the most important links in the
context of the functioning of the political system of Ukraine. This is consolidated in the
provisions of the Constitution of Ukraine (1996), according to which it is the president
who is endowed with the status of head of state. The president’s powers cover a wide
range of issues, in particular, decision-making on national security, implementation of
foreign and national policy, and higher personnel issues. This list is not exhaustive, since
the activities of the institution of presidential power are systematic and cover, among
other things, the right to initiate legislative initiatives or impose a veto (Romanyuk,
2020).
An equally important role in the development of a civil and democratic society is played
by the institution of the parliament, local self-government bodies, the ombudsman,
elections, and referendums (Ketners, 2025). It is worth noting that parliamentarism is
characteristic of various stages of the historical development of Ukraine. For example,
the power that the Grand Prince of Kyiv possessed was limited, since it was implemented
in cooperation with the consent of the prince’s armed forces. As for the period of the
country’s independence, it is worth noting that the new stage was started in 1990. This
is conditioned by the fact that for the first time, the elections to the Verkhovna Rada of
the Ukrainian SSR were implemented considering the principles of pluralism, since parties
opposed to the Communist Party (which were grouped under the name People’s Council)
took part in them. Subsequently, the activities of the Verkhovna Rada of the Ukrainian
SSR became permanent, which were governed by the norms of the temporary
regulations. Thus, the Verkhovna Rada of the Ukrainian SSR was reformed into a
parliamentary-type institution even before Ukraine’s independence. After the adoption of
the Constitution of Ukraine (1996), the Parliament of Ukraine was defined as the main
legislative body, whose activities were aimed at passing laws, approving the budget, and
implementing monitoring of government activities. In modern Ukraine, the Verkhovna
Rada has the status of a single-chamber authority and, accordingly, consists of 450
people’s deputies. The activity of the Parliament of Ukraine has many vectors, but its
ultimate goal is to ensure and develop a democratic system of government. Thus, it
promotes the realisation of the voice and interests of the people in decision-making,
control over the government and authorities, and coordinates the actions of the
authorities with constitutional principles.
As for the subjects of power, they also have specifics, since they are characterised by
their own regulatory framework, purpose, functions, and procedure for making decisions.
Accordingly, the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine is obliged to adhere in the course of its
activities to the general principles of legal regulation, namely: the rule of law, good
governance, division of state power, continuity, and collegiality. At the same time, its
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tasks are clearly defined in the Law of Ukraine No. 794-VII On the Cabinet of Ministers
of Ukraine” (2014), which ensures the constitutional rights and freedoms of citizens. In
this case, the legal status of the government is formed from competence, which includes:
powers, subject matter, and functions. The Cabinet of Ministers belongs to the category
of subjects of general competence, as it coordinates the work of other central executive
bodies, including ministries. It is important to ensure compliance with laws, the
Constitution, and human and civil rights in the course of its activities. Its competence
covers a number of public relations, including: economic, labour, socio-economic, legal,
and others related to the activities of the state.
Thus, the political system of Ukraine consists of elements whose activities complement
each other. This shows that all its links play an important role in the context of the
establishment of a political regime and, accordingly, should be developed at a high level.
The holistic development of political institutions is aimed at consolidating the democratic
foundations and principles on the basis of which public life is ensured. The analysis of
each of the elements allows us to characterise the political regime in Ukraine, which is
based on the ideas of democracy, pluralism, protection of human and civil rights and
freedoms. Based on the above analysis, it is advisable to consider the activities of these
elements in the process of forming a political regime in different periods of Ukraine’s
development (Figure 1).
Figure 1. Stages of development of political regime in Ukraine
Source: compiled by the authors.
The period 1991-1994 was characterised by general institutional weakness and low
legitimacy of the authorities. This was influenced by several factors, namely: the
unwillingness of political actors to structure their activities; the lack of democratic
experience in solving political problems; parties were not the main political actors. Based
on this, the specifics of this period were the rapid loss of legitimacy by the institutions of
power. The lack of institutionalisation during this period was especially evident in the
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absence of effective checks on power, with the executive branch largely left
unchallenged. This initial phase was largely shaped by the legacy of the Soviet system
and the newly independent state's struggles to establish stable governance
(Yanyshivskyi, 2025).
The 1994-1998 period saw a shift toward increased political influence of the president
and a fragmented Verkhovna Rada following the 1994 parliamentary elections. This era,
under President Leonid Kuchma, witnessed the adoption of the 1996 Constitution, which
granted the president sweeping powers, including in administrative, legislative, and
personnel matters. These powers transformed the president into a hegemonic figure,
capable of independently steering the political direction of the state. The privatization
process (1998-2000) further consolidated the influence of political and business elites,
contributing to the rise of an oligarchic-bureaucratic system (Tsurkan-Saifulina &
Popelnytska, 2023). The transition was marked by the increasing centralization of power,
where business moguls began to shape the political sphere through control over media
outlets and political parties (Ilychok et al., 2024).
The presidency of Viktor Yushchenko (2005-2010) introduced a shift toward a
parliamentary-presidential republic, reinforcing the principles of electoral democracy.
However, the political landscape remained unstable due to the fragmented nature of the
Ukrainian political elite and a lack of cohesion in the legislature. The Orange Revolution
of 2004 marked a pivotal moment, leading to the consolidation of democratic
mechanisms but not the natural evolution of democracy. Yushchenko’s failure to establish
control over the country’s political apparatus resulted in significant instability, and the
Party of Regions, led by Viktor Yanukovych, rose to power in 2006. This shift marked the
onset of adversarial authoritarianism, where key political decisions were influenced by
competing elites. By 2012, following electoral victories, the regime had shifted to a form
of consolidated authoritarianism under Yanukovych (Semenenko et al., 2024).
The 2014-2016 period was transformative, catalyzed by the Euromaidan protests and
the ousting of Yanukovych. This led to a semi-competitive authoritarian regime, often
termed “soft” presidential-oligarchic authoritarianism. The consolidation of power in the
hands of President Petro Poroshenko was coupled with the formation of patronage
networks involving the President, Prime Minister, and the People’s Front party. This
regime was marked by informal power consolidation, soft repressions, and pressure on
opposition forces. Reforms in the police, army, and decentralisation during this period
signalled attempts at democratic consolidation, but they were hindered by the
persistence of oligarchic control over the state (Semenenko et al., 2021).
After the presidential elections in 2019, the institutions of political and ideological
pluralism were restored in Ukraine. In modern Ukrainian society, the freedom of
ideological positions of citizens, including in relation to political activities, is being
consolidated and ensured. The current vector of political development of Ukraine is aimed
at achieving a consolidated democracy. For this purpose, Ukraine is implementing
political reforms, dynamically developing mechanism for cooperation with the European
Union, and opening up prospects for participation in regional projects envisaged by the
modernised Three Seas concept (Sekh, 2023). On the Europeanization axis, Ukraine has
increasingly aligned its policies with EU standards, particularly after the Association
Agreement between the European Union and Ukraine (2014), which fostered reforms in
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areas such as trade, energy, and decentralization. These reforms demonstrate Ukraine’s
commitment to EU integration. However, progress is slowed by internal political
fragmentation, resistance to certain reforms, and external geopolitical pressures,
particularly from Russia. While Ukraine has made steady advancements in adopting EU
norms, its efforts to fully integrate with EU governance and legal frameworks remain
inconsistent, especially in the areas of rule of law and governance reforms.
Symbolisation and Mythologisation of the Political System in Ukraine
After Ukraine declared its independence, the country set out on a path of democratic
development, which was marked by shifts in spiritual and cultural values. These reforms
aimed to improve the public’s well-being, but they also led to contradictions in public
consciousness, often reflecting deep social fragmentation. As S.F. Moore and B.G.
Myerhoff (2020) noted, such transitions in state values and ideals make it difficult to
consolidate a unified public consciousness, particularly when outdated political norms
persist. This duality is a critical challenge in post-Soviet states, where political
socialization can be manipulated to shape public opinion. In Ukraine, this challenge was
compounded by the rise of oligarchic control over mainstream media, preventing the
intellectuals and media from becoming effective change agents (Cassani & Tomini, 2020;
Aleman et al., 2021). Instead of providing a unifying force, these sectors became tools
for legitimizing the status quo.
Symbolisation in Ukraine’s political context refers to the use of images and symbols that
replace real aspects of political life. These symbols often carry only a conditional
resemblance to the issues they represent, yet, they are perceived by the public as
authentic. As S. Hellmeier and M. Bernhard (2023) explain, political actors in Ukraine
have utilized symbolisation to construct certain political narratives, which helped them
maintain power by appealing to the emotional and psychological aspects of citizens.
Symbolisation is particularly powerful in the post-Soviet context, where it substitutes real
political realities with idealized images of the state. For example, the political imagery
surrounding Ukraine's independence in 1991, as well as the symbolic use of the
“Euromaidan” protests in 2014, were used by political elites to establish legitimacy and
foster national unity, despite the underlying fragmentation and instability (Drescher,
2020). This approach, while potentially strengthening political authority, also creates
opportunities for manipulation, as symbols can obscure the real challenges facing the
population.
Symbolisation in Ukraine is not a temporary phenomenon but has been embedded in the
political culture since independence. It continues to shape political legitimacy through a
substitution of political reality. For example, political actors have used symbols like the
“national hero” or enemy” to justify actions, whether by framing protests as acts of
patriotism or labelling political opposition as traitorous (Lai, 2020). Symbolisation
increases symbolic capital, which can foster political loyalty, but it can also alienate
citizens when the symbols lose their connection to real-world issues.
Connected to symbolisation is mythologisation, the process of creating political myths
that simplify complex realities for public consumption. M. Feischmidt (2020) argues that
political myths are constructed through language and discourse, transforming ordinary
political actions into narratives that resonate with the masses. Political actors use myths
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to shape perceptions, often by creating simplified dichotomies such as the “good vs.
evil” narrative in political discourse.
In Ukraine, mythologisation has been a strategic tool for political actors to improve the
public’s perception of the regime. Political figures have constructed myths around events
like the Maidan revolutions, portraying them as a fight for freedom and democracy, while
often overlooking the broader political and social challenges. E. Arbatli and D. Rosenberg
(2021) note that political mythologies help to shift the public’s focus away from deeper
political issues by emphasizing symbolic victories, such as national identity or territorial
integrity, while ignoring critical problems like corruption or governance failures.
Mythologisation, as M. Saud et al. (2020) point out, not only shapes collective memory
but also individual behavior, influencing how citizens engage with the political system. It
constructs a distorted political reality where certain actors are either elevated as heroes
or demonized as enemies of the state, diverting attention from more pressing issues.
This process has contributed to the deformation of political discourse, where the true
nature of political struggles is masked by mythological narratives that obscure the real
political dynamics.
The combined forces of symbolisation and mythologisation in Ukraine have both positive
and negative consequences. On the one hand, they have helped solidify political
legitimacy by appealing to the national sentiment, especially during times of crisis like
the annexation of Crimea or the war with Russia. However, they have also created a
polarized political environment in which symbolic victories overshadow substantive
reforms. The influence of these processes on the population’s political consciousness can
sometimes result in passivity, as citizens are drawn into mythological narratives rather
than engaging critically with the political system (Dzvinchuk et al., 2018). As I. Stihi
(2022) observes, political actors can use these tools to reshape public opinion, not only
to defend their positions but also to redistribute power resources. The manipulation of
public discourse through myth and symbolism is particularly dangerous in unstable
political conditions like Ukraine's, where political struggles often escalate into
manipulative battles for control over public consciousness.
The processes of symbolisation and mythologisation have played crucial roles in shaping
Ukraine's political regime from 1991 to the present. These mechanisms allow political
actors to construct political realities that justify their actions, while simultaneously
diverting attention from deeper issues. The study of these processes is essential for
understanding how political regimes can evolve through symbolic manipulation, often at
the cost of genuine democratic progress. As Ukraine continues to face political instability
and external threats, the role of symbolic politics will remain central to both maintaining
power and shaping national identity.
Conclusions
The political regime in Ukraine has undergone significant transformation since
independence, with a dominant shift towards democratic development. However, ongoing
socio-political and economic challenges require continuous efforts to consolidate
democratic values and ensure transparency. The study shows that Ukraine's political
trajectory is characterized by alternating phases of democratization and authoritarian
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regression. From the early 1990s to 2004, a struggle between power centers defined the
period as competitive authoritarianism. The Orange Revolution of 2004 marked a
breakthrough towards electoral democracy, which was balanced by political forces rather
than individual strategies. However, 2010-2012 saw an authoritarian rollback under
Yanukovych, which was overturned by the Revolution of Dignity, reinvigorating
democratization efforts.
The political regime evolved further between 2016-2019, shifting from electoral
democracy to competitive authoritarianism again. By 2019, democratic development
resumed, alongside mechanisms to protect citizens' rights and freedoms. The study
highlights the role of symbolisation and mythologisation in Ukraine’s political system,
where political elites use these tools to gain power and reform the state. Symbolisation,
through imagery and ideas, substitutes the real actions of political actors, creating a
distorted narrative. The study advocates for a moral political policy that considers
citizens' views and adheres to national traditions, contributing to a more open civil
society. Future research should focus on minimizing the negative effects of manipulative
symbolisation in politics.
In terms of legal reform, the study recommends changes to the Constitution of Ukraine
to define the president's role more clearly, particularly in guaranteeing state sovereignty
and coordinating national actions. It also suggests establishing a Commissioner for the
Rights of Servicemen to protect military personnel's rights, given the ongoing war. This
new position would be appointed by the president and endowed with control and
investigative powers, ensuring greater protection for Ukraine’s armed forces.
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